Serbia’s History Must Be Rewritten

[Truth Bearer]

Serbia’s History Must Be Rewritten
By Aleksandra Rebic
August 10, 2007

61 years ago...
dark forces took the life of a warrior who fought valiantly for the human rights of his people, a visionary, a hero whose moral standards and ethical principles included the virtues known to humanity since the birth of Jesus Christ. He was General Dragoljub-Draza Mihailovich – a man from the country that was once Yugoslavia.

Since his time, the history of Yugoslavia has been written and rewritten many times over, but never as history should be written. It was always written in collusion with the existing political dogmas that had subverted what Yugoslavia had striven to be after she was formed upon completion of the First World War. This modern historical record has presented events in such a way as to satisfy and justify the political and social ambitions of the dark forces that killed Mihailovich. The false historical record, a primary tool of these dark forces, the Yugoslav communists and the Ustashe in Yugoslavia, and unfortunately those outside of Yugoslavia who either succumbed to their influence or supported them whether outright or tacitly, has indicted and presented General Mihailovich, a sincere patriot and true friend of the democratic Allies, as both a traitor to his own country and as a fascist collaborator. The lie has been so pervasive, that anything truthful and factual said to the contrary has often been dismissed as “propaganda” when, in fact, it is “propaganda” that sealed his fate and that continues to haunt him decades after his death. Another lie, that of his being a staunch “nationalist” whose primary goal was to promote the empowerment of a “Greater Serbia” at the expense of the other ethnicities and nationalities in Yugoslavia, continues to be propagated. Just open any number of history books about World War II and check the Mihailovich references. Regardless of how it’s represented, his legacy cannot be separated from that of the fate of his beloved country of Serbia, and of Yugoslavia as it was, neither then or now.

Yugoslavia as a country is now no more. She has been replaced by six countries, of which Serbia is the largest. Though Serbia can be validated as a “country”, the others are merely pseudo-countries, established as a result of manipulations that keep on serving the dark forces perfectly to this day. Though Serbia survived, she endured 55 years of falsehoods and political and moral degradations beginning at the end of World War Two, which resulted in her coming out of the Yugoslav syndrome a politically and in many other ways a crippled country. There was hope, however. In October of 2000, she began gasping to reestablish the democratic ideals that once made her one of the most respected countries of Europe, the very democratic ideals that had once been personified by her martyred hero, General Mihailovich.

What was at the core of the problem? Dr. Kosta Nikolic, senior member of the Institute of Contemporary History in Belgrade, in his introduction to the book Dragoljub-Draza Mihailovich and the Second World War (History of a Great Betrayal), written by Rade and Aleksandra Rebic, states it clearly when he writes:

“It is an old rule that the end of an historical process and the coming of the consequences create the conditions for an objective study of past events, especially those deeply inserted in the collective minds of the contemporaries. Maybe the history of the Ravna Gora Movement is the most characteristic such case. In past writings about it, many fallacies were picturesquely propagated in post-war Serbian historiography which was more a result of political and ideological usefulness than of serious scientific work. Such historiography has shown more than clearly what kind of negative impact the uncritical interpretation of the past has on the development of science. If we agree with the idea that historiography, the picture of the society in which it originates, is either an interpreter of its true past or is, as the case is here, a desirable and false picture that only seems to be a mirror and the reflection of the spiritual and scientific atmosphere, then we can say that the history of the Ravna Gora Movement represents the corner stone which since the end of the Second World War has symbolized public, unscientific historiography. Generations of Serbian historians and those who carried the mask of historian on their face and the ideology of Marxism-Leninism on their mind, made an effort to win many times over a victory over the Ravna Gora Movement and especially over General Dragoljub Mihailovich in agreement with the proclaimed dogma of “heroes and enemies” and the established worthless formula of “brotherhood and unity”. Distorted interpretations, numerous falsifications, suppressing the basic facts, and political disqualifications, were the main elements of such historiography.”

“One of the basic motives for such behavior should be sought in the fact that the war did not stop existing as a realistic influence on science, and more importantly, on all of the political relationships in Yugoslav society. Established was a specific ‘rear-connection’ – that present problems could be solved by the shaping and “resolving” of the past. Present and past interchanged their places. Whenever the country was in a crisis, most of all in the domain of international relationships, help was searched for in the ‘epic poetry of the people’s liberation struggle” in which the Yugoslav people forged “eternal togetherness”. And just because of that it was necessary, with the application of various non-scientific methods, to constantly be victorious over the Chetniks, and once and forever wipe out the memory of them and all the traces of their activities. The most vicious attacks were on General Mihailovich. He was the personification of all the attacks on the Serbian royalists, on the national idea of the Serbian people, on the manifestation of any nationalist work. That was the only field where unified agreement of national historiographies was achieved.”

“The basic aim of official historiography was to strengthen the conviction of the victor in the correctness of his undertakings and to wrap him up in a wreath of glory. That is why we were left far from understanding key moments in the immediate history of the Serbian people, because ideological mill superseded science, preventing its critical and creative comprehension of the past. An ideological veil imposed conceptions of absolute guilt on one side and the absolute correctness of the other side, assigning to one patriotism and to the other treason. The thesis of the heroism of the partisans had a permanent place, even when it was contrary to the factual events. Because of strong ideological deposits, one of the greatest historiographic controversies was created that has left two stereotypes still present: guilt for the civil war and treason and collaboration. Outside of these dominant frames, other segments of Chetnik history were written about, but many significant themes were avoided, while the national program, the most important component of the Ravna Gora Movement, is always qualified as greater-Serbian and put on the margins, even though this program contained the roots for fundamental reform of the government and Yugoslav society as a whole….”

To wipe out all the positive traces of his legacy from the historical record of Serbia and the Serbian people, Mihailovich’s enemies published an enormous number of books. For over a half a century they were relentless in that effort. They were so successful that their lies and deceits became institutionalized in virtually every aspect of Serbia’s modern national identity. The result of their success is that today Serbia is considered a pariah among European societies, in addition to being faced with the prospect of losing her holy Christian Kosovo province to the Albanian Moslems. One of the most critical areas in which the dark forces that killed Mihailovich have succeeded has been in converting Serbia’s traditional allies into virtual enemies who then, ironically and tragically, served the ultimate ends of those dark forces by negating Serbia as a viable democracy in Europe. The dark forces who came to power in Serbia, who ruled Serbia, would ultimately be that force which would sabotage her, with the help of the democratic Allies whom she had served so faithfully in wartime. In the past, Mihailovich’s many faithful followers were in no tangible position to counteract the destruction of their beloved country or to show the world that there was another Serbia, a true Serbia. The enemy forces were too powerful and Serbia’s people were living under an imposed regime that did not permit the fundamental human political rights that would have allowed the truth to surface and be known.

Now, that it is once again becoming possible to practice democratic principles in Serbia, and to bring Serbia back to a position of being one of the more respected nations in Europe as she once was, it is absolutely necessary to address the institutionalized historical record. The history of the Serbian people and their nation over the course of the last one hundred plus years needs be rewritten. This history must be rewritten based on events as they actually happened and not on the propaganda that has so deeply corrupted the study of those events. The dark forces were masters of propagating phony, quasi-history which served their various dogmas and political interests. At the very least, it will be necessary to completely rewrite Serbia’s history covering the period from the beginning of the Second World War to the present. Revisionism is not the issue here. A true and valid historical record is what is being called for, something that each country, each nation, each people is entitled to, if we are to document human existence at all. It will not be a simple task, but it is doable. To do so, it is necessary to closely examine the past, isolate those elements in the historical record that perverted history and replace them with the true facts. It has been said that ‘Truth’ does not exist in history, only perception of the ‘Truth’ depending on which side you’re on, however, there is ‘Fact’ and there is ‘Falsehood.’

One road to take is to examine and define who General Draza Mihailovich really was, what he envisioned, and what Serbia lost by his death.

The alternative for Serbs is to accept their ‘false history’, live as a condemned people, ignore the legacy of 800 years of Serbian statehood, and grow weaker and weaker as the years go by. The Serbs are better than that, and deserve better than that.

What would have happened to Serbia after World War Two had General Mihailovich prevailed and survived? We can only speculate. The one thing that I do know for sure, however, is that had he survived and had his political, ethical and moral principles been allowed to guide the evolution of post-war Serbia, she would have retained her nobility and her potential as one of the great democracies in the world.

Serbia's History Must Be Rewritten | Aleksandra Rebic | Columns | serbianna.com

[Truth Bearer]

Aleksandra Rebic is an American of Serbian heritage who was born in Chicago, IL, the daughter of parents who immigrated to the United States and made America their home. She is a graduate of Northwestern University in Evanston, IL. with a Bachelor of Science degree in Communication Studies from the School of Speech. Aleksandra has been an aspiring author and student of history all of her life. While employed at a successful data processing company that has both national and international clientele, she dedicates much of her free time to the freelance writing that she hopes will make a difference. The topics she focuses on cover a wide range, from the simple to the complex, and her hope is that through her writings she moves and inspires people to see things from a different perspective than they might be used to.

Aleksandra has been published in both Serbian and American newspapers and on the internet, and is co-author, with her father, of the book Dragoljub-Draza Mihailovich and the Second World War: The History of a Great Betrayal.

[Truth Bearer]

GENERAL MIHAILOVIC AND THE RAVNA GORA MOVEMENT

Introduction

In seeking to most clearly illustrate the history of the Chetnik movement, no source is perhaps as useful and as historically indicative as are the wartime records of General Mihailovic (1893-1946). Though the future will present many more opportunities to explore the history of General Mihailovic and the history of his movement in World War II, it is crucial to highlight his prophetic understanding of what he saw would happen to the Serbian people in the event of a Communist victory. This vision he presented to his people in September of 1944, a "momento mori" for himself, his movement, and for the future of Serbia. His declaration, in essence, provides us with the most impacting and also, most sobering witness of the experiences of Serbs (as is commonly said "on both sides of the Drina") during World War II.

In the Post World War II years, the wartime enemies of Mihailovic's movement created an overly simplistic picture of preceding events. Participants in wartime dramas were clearly labeled either victors or traitors, with Yugoslav dictator Tito's Communist regime not only dominating socio-economic and politic events, but through such control, also distorting proceeding historical records of the events of 1941-1945. At the end of the war, General Mihailovic was declared an "enemy of the people," sentenced, and consequently, vanished three days after his trial. The fact that the regime of the time found it necessary to undertake such an action provides one of the most trying testaments to the moral sway he and his movement carried with his people.

Today and more than fifty years later, new investigations into the wartime drama within Yugoslavia-based on the publications and declarations of the Ravna Gora Movement-provide us with a clearer picture of past events not only within the Movement itself, but also within World War II Yugoslavia. This picture, which was always clearer to those in the Serbian Diaspora, has finally begun to enter into official history and into the land of our forefathers.

Arrival at Ravna Gora-May, 1941

Dragoljub (Draza) Mihailovic entered the battle proceeding the April German invasion of Yugoslavia as head of the Operational Division of the Yugoslav Second Army, a unit which had seen heavy combat in the mountains of central Bosnia. In the region around Doboj, the then Colonel Mihailovic saw his last service in regular combat, ending a campaign which had begun with his country's invasion by the Third Reich and with its first battles around Kiseljak in Bosnia. Yet, that last day of the campaign was a turning point in the career of Colonel Mihailovic. It was on that somber day that he decided to split from the column of the Second Army and head for the Drina River. He recorded the events of that day like this: "I did not want to capitulate and refused orders to negotiate with the Germans. I came to the idea to head for the Drina because I was convinced that it was there that I could find a front."

Mihailovic was then engulfed by frustration and regret, feelings which arose from previous years' misunderstandings and the fact that through those years, he was in the right. Coincidentally, Mihailovic had, in the pre-war years, pushed for a military re-organization within the Royal Military, one which focused on creating mobile military units based on the fighting methods of Serbia's traditional guerrilla fighters-the Chetniks. At this point in the war (at the end of the German campaign), his own unit, in conjunction with the 41st infantry brigade, had become just that sort of force. On the mountain Ravna Gora, Mihailovic set up his first headquarters and as a result, created what would become a symbol for the Chetnik Movement in World War II and what would give the Movement its name. In fact, the common people were already calling these fighters "the chetniks of Draza Mihailovic."

So, upon his arrival on Ravna Gora in May of 1941, Mihailovic had decided to create a movement of resistance. Immediately, this decision proved itself momentous. With his proclamation, Mihailovic had lifted the banner of freedom in defiance of the enemies of the Serbian people. Soon after, the Reich's commander in Southeastern Europe, Field Marshal List, requested reinforcements in the number of numerous divisions and special expeditions moved to begin reprisals against the uprising, that is to say, against Draza's Chetniks.



The Formation of An Organized Resistance
In the coming weeks, Colonel Dragoljub "Draza" Mihailovic's headquarters saw the constant arrival of new recruits. The vast majority of the newcomers were disillusioned yet patriotic officers who had heard of the new resistance and who had been unable to make peace with the tragedy of the April invasion and subsequent attempts at subjugation. In addition, a large number of these men who were now flocking to Ravna Gora had been pupils of Mihailovic's while he taught as a Military Academy instructor and also had fought at his side in the previous world war. However, Mihailovic decided to only hold onto a small number of these new recruits, mainly because he wanted the majority of them to spread word of the uprising to their own hometowns and villages and organize their own Chetnik units. Soon after, the villages around Ravna Gora became an organizational zone in which Mihailovic's men could organize themselves and solidify the foundations of future resistance.

In this initial phase, a basis was created for future military formations: first operational squads, then battalions, and eventually, brigades and corps. As in all standard guerilla campaigns, those who were sent to certain operational zones were given basic instructions and organized the common people. Yet, that same year also saw the creation of the political wing of the Movement, the Central National Committee. The goal of this committee was to organize the Serbs' intellectuals and political cadre, as well as their experienced public officials. There were also regional committees, such as those in Montenegro, Herzegovina, and the Committee of Serbian Dalmatia, which was organized in Split by Ilija Trifunovic-Bircanin.

It is vital to point out that throughout this process, however, General Mihailovic remained steadfast in his belief that he was a soldier of his people and that he had no right to conduct any political actions that ran contrary to their will.

From Conflict to Civil War
In order to combat the growing Communist threat, Army General Milan Nedic organized the "Serbian Government of Salvation" on August 29, 1941. Nedic was well aware of how Mihailovic, Major Misic, and others viewed this threat, that is to say as a divisive danger to the Serbian people that the Germans were all too eager to take advantage of. General Nedic, in fact, explicitly underlined these aspects of the civil crisis and they formed the foundation of his acceptance of political power. In essence, the danger of the Communist threat in Serbia revolved around the fact that it had less to do with the liberation of Yugoslavia (even less with the liberation of the Serbian people) and more to do with the imposition of Soviet Communism upon the two. From the beginning of the uprising and with the eventual arrival of Nedic, Communist forces took advantage of the situation and began reprisals against Draza's Chetniks in Serbia, with these operations eventually being extended to other areas where uprisings had taken place against the Germans and their fascist collaborators, the Ustashe.

Once Mihailovic's Chetniks had swept these Communist partisans out of Serbia, these exiles proceeded to extend their operations into Montenegro, Herzegovina, and Eastern Bosnia, involving their Communist brethren in these regions in their methods and destroying the last unified units of resistance fighters. In this fashion, Yugoslavia's Communists squashed the last opportunity for all Serbian fighting elements to fight under a unified banner and helped create the civil war that emerged from these crises.

Yet, despite Communist reprisals, Draza's rebel Chetniks managed to organize a front against German forces. After heavy fighting, they forced the Germans out of Cacak and its surrounding villages, while a day earlier, units from Takovo (under the command of Captain Vukovic) attacked the German garrison in Gornji Milanovac and forced the surrender of the several units from the 920th battalion. Strategically, it is important to point out that these actions were undertaken at a time when the German war machine was at its zenith and was rolling through Russia and North Africa. Nonetheless, Chetnik forces proceeded to liberate Valjevo and Kraljevo, with the latter battle seeing the first use of artillery captured from the Germans.

The Germans Against Mihailovic
At a conference with his highest-ranking commanders on the 1st of December, 1941, Colonel Mihailovic gave his newest orders for further attacks against the Germans and Communists. However, a few days after this conference, nearby German units began a heavy, concerted assault on Ravna Gora. "Operation Mihailovic" was meant to destroy all guerilla units within a radius of 120 kilometers of the mountain and to begin a general dismantling of all Chetnik units in the region. Many of his closest associates, among them Major Aleksandar Misic, were captured and subsequently shot. Nevertheless, the offensive did not accomplish its goal and Draza's movement essentially remained intact.



In New Surroundings
After the German Ravna Gora offensive, Mihailovic's forces continued with their declared desire for anti-fascist resistance. The winter of 1941-42 proved a difficult one though, and the survival of the resistance was put to its strongest test yet. During that winter, German squads carried out constant reprisals against Chetnik forces and the Serbian population that had supported them. After the failure of the German offensive on Ravna Gora, Mihailovic and his associates were often on the move. Due to constant German attack, Mihailovic was forced to move from village to village and from mountain to mountain on a regular basis.

One of the more important assemblies of the Ravna Gora Movement during the war was the Saint Sava's Day assembly that took place from January 25 to January 28, 1944. The movement's program for the internal organization of Yugoslavia was accepted at this assembly. The assembly was a reaction to the recent events in London, including events in the government in exile and conversations with Churchill and other British officials. These conversations all led to one issue: Eliminating Mihailovic and appeasing the Soviets, who had already penetrated west with the Red Army. The British Premier explicitly requested that Puric's government be replaced, which would take Mihailovic out of the picture for Britain and Yugoslavia. That is eventually what took place. Puric's government was dismissed on June 1, 1944 and Dr. Ivan Subasic was named the new leader. This meant that Mihailovic was finally removed from his ministerial position. Ironically, the main protagonist of the anti-communist resistance was now out of the picture. The Central National Committee, which met in July, judged this form of government to be untrustworthy and demanded that free influence over the area be upheld. All of these judgments were to no avail.

While the attacks continued, Mihailovic was on Durmitor, which was free at the time, moving to Kalinovik so that by the end of summer 1942, he had created his own general staff headquarters near Kolasin. With the arrival of Mihailovic on Sinjajevin, the western and eastern sections of Crna Gora become the center from which the Ravna Gora Movement continued its actions in the fight for freedom. During the largest German action against Mihailovic, the government in London gave him the rank of Brigadier General on December 7, 1942. One month later, he was pronounced General and soon after, he became Lieutenant General.

As the most difficult battles with the Partisans were occurring, Mihailovic gave an order on September 1, 1944 whose main objective was to deal with the Communists because "they were preparing to impose their own slavery and bloody tyranny on us." Mihailovic realized that the repeated infiltration of Communism in Serbia was led by the idea of the destruction of the Serbian people. This was confirmed by his words: "the million that they killed with the Ustashas were not enough."

As the most dramatic events were unfolding, Mihailovic's Chetniks received another blow from an unexpected source. The blow came from those for whom they were dying for, the same people that were mentioned in songs and placed on flags. On September 12, 1944, the King gave in to Churchill's demands, unaware of the horrible consequences this decision would have on Mihailovic, the army, and on himself. Mihailovic removed his hat when the stenograph of the speech from the BBC was read to him. It was not until midnight that he once again took his hat, took one long look at it, and kissed it before retiring for the night.

Although Mihailovic was very shaken by the King's speech, he felt that "one shouldn't succumb to the influences of one act, whose objectives lie in the war plans of our great allies." His dedication to the monarchy and his country was greater than that of the King's. Mihailovic adamantly insisted on discipline since "the Ravna Gora revolution must not be a revolution of disorder and killing, rather a revolution of justice and freedom."



Allied Pilots Rescued in 1944
In a large air assault inflicted by the allied air forces from Italy, large bombing raids took place on fuel installations in Romania and on other strategic targets. At the request of Tito and his Yugoslav communists, towns and other targets in Serbia were also attacked. The sky above Serbia was covered with traces of smoke from American quad-engine bombers. Even though they were bombing Serbian towns, the Serbian Chetniks still revered them as allies. A number of planes were downed by German and Romanian anti-aircraft artillery installations. The allied pilots were parachuting from their damaged or destroyed aircraft over Serbia. Thankfully, over 500 of these pilots fell into the hands of Mihailovic's Chetniks, avoiding German internment or certain death. This took place at the expense of the lives of many Chetniks and civilians who took part in the rescue. After both short and long stays in the free Ravna Gora territory, the pilots were returned to their original units in Italy from the Pranjani Airport near Cacak.

The End of the War
Mihailovic's radio station, the only contact with the outside world, was forever silenced on May 5th. At 11 o'clock on Easter, May 6, 1945, everyone stopped in his or her tracks. After a short service, the last order given by Mihailovic was read: "Today, we will continue with the goals that we have set for ourselves. Our resistance and our suffering is a given right, given by the Lord. We could lose our lives in this struggle, but our victory is guaranteed, a victory and a blessing for those who survive and for the last of us. Assured by your steadfastness to endure to the end, I direct my attention to you, my dearest fellow soldiers, and greet you with Christ is risen!"

One week later, after being tracked by communist troops and by the air force of the former allies, the main portion of Mihailovic's forces were destroyed on Zelengora. Hidden from international view, the communists didn't take prisoners amongst the Ravna Gora fighters, who were abandoned by the West. They didn't even have the need for such formalities. At least 9300 Mihailovic fighters were liquidated, either before or after their capture. It is ironic that the first individual who appeared armed with guerilla formations in the fight against the Germans in the spring of 1941 was now the last and only one remaining in the forests of Serbia in 1945. Just as he was once the first to rise in protest against the German occupation in Europe, at the conclusion of the war, he was also the first to protest the tyrannical establishment of the Communist regime in Yugoslavia.

A Few Words About Mihailovic and His Family
General Mihailovic was a deeply religious individual. He prayed regularly, fasted, took communion, and celebrated his patron saint day of Saint Nikola. Mihailovic's son Vojo was at his father's side from 1941 to the end. He was killed in 1945 at the conclusion of the Bosnian Golgotha. Mihailovic's wife, their older son Branko, and their daughter Gordana were repeatedly imprisoned by the Germans, interrogated, and held as hostages. General Mihailovic lived and perished in accord with his beliefs: With the people until the very end.

Conclusion
During World War II, General Mihailovic was a soldier, a commander, and leader of his people who resisted the mightiest military power ever known to man up until that time. Slobodan Jovanovic wrote: "General Mihailovic fulfilled his responsibilities as the son of the Serbian people. This is already evident by the fact that he has not only become a historical figure, but has become a national tradition. He was persecuted, slandered, tortured, and fatigued during his entire lifetime. His body was strewn into pieces and he has no marked grave, but he continues to live in the souls of the Serbian people, where he will remain as long as the Serbian people exist."

With the implementation of the Communist regime, the weakening of the Serbian National Dynasty took place in the early phases of the system. They slowly began the destruction of spirituality and transformed the vast territories of the Serbian people to a "smaller" Serbia.

[Truth Bearer]

The Trial
Mihailović was captured on March 13, 1946 by agents of OZNA (Odeljenje za Zaštitu Naroda — Department for Protection of People). Tried for high treason and war crimes from June 10 to July 15, he was found guilty and sentenced to death by firing squad on July 15th. The Presidium of the National Assembly rejected the clemency appeal on July 16. He was executed together with nine other officers in the early hours of 18 July 1946, in Lisiciji Potok, about 200 meters from the former Royal Palace, and buried in an unmarked grave on the same spot. His main prosecutor was Miloš Minić, later minister of foreign affairs for the Communist government of Yugoslavia.

His execution was a striking point in Franco–Yugoslav relations and Charles de Gaulle, Mihailović's friend, refused to visit Yugoslavia due to what he viewed as Mihailović's murder by Marshal Tito's communist regime.