Continuity of Greek people through centuries

[Ptolemy]

I thought we should have a sticky topic where we will gather all surviving accounts that demonstrate the continuity of Greek people through centuries. It will be easier for all of us, when needed, to come and consult this topic.

I am starting with Apostolos E. Vakalopoulos and his "Η καταγωγή και η πνευματική συνέχεια του Ελληνικού έθνους".

You can download it from here

[achilles]

I have a very interesting article downloaded by the journal "Greece & Rome" during my university years, which i currently have in a weird pdf format from which i can select no text.

Ptolemy, or anyone, if you have access to any academic journal subscription you could perhaps download and post the following for me:

GREEKS ANCIENT AND MODERN
W.R. Loader
Greece & Rome, Vol. 18, No. 54 (Oct., 1949), 121-125

You can find it in JSTOR if you have access to it.


Cheers

[Bardas]

This summation of the continuance of the Hellenic nation is not my own research. It was posted elsewhere and the credit goes to a certain "razordur", but nevertheless it is worth sharing especially with the examples that he used. It has been modified only slightly but apart that it's in its entirety.

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As we all know, the term Greek (or Hellene) during the early and to some extent the middle Byzantine period meant “pagan" and thus lost its national and ethnic significance as it came to differentiate Christian from pagan

An example in 5th century AD Philostorgius, a Roman writer: "Ούτος μεν Ίων ην το γένος, Έλλην δε την δόξαν".

Patriarch Photios 9th century AD: ""εκ των προς Αίγυπτον Θηβών το γένος έχων, ..., Έλλην την Θρησκείαν".(Bibliotheca. Κώδιξ 80 Bekker σελ. 56b, 12-14)

Even so, many of western medieval writers after 794 Ad referred to the Byzantine empire (Romania) as "Regnum Graecorum" (ie Empire of the Greeks) whilst the Holy Roman Empire of Western Christendom referred to themselves as "Imperium Romanum".

The Byzantines were taught in their schools, Homer, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, mythology, astronomy, the grammar of the Greek language. They acknowledged their relation, their connection to the ancient Greek culture.

You say interaction (by the way interaction doesn’t mean non-continuity) I say evolution. Do we think that the Mycenaean Greeks dressed like the Greeks of the Classical era. Did they have exactly the same religion as the Greeks of 5th BC? Or the classic Greeks had the same religion with the Greeks of 50 BC? Did the Greeks of 9-8th BC have the same morality, music, food, political institutions with the Greeks of 150 BC or with the Greeks of 150 AD? No, interaction/evolution is what makes a culture strong, flexible, lasting. What does "linear continuity" means? Should we dress like Pericles, have exactly the same form of language with Demosthenes in order to be "Greeks"? We are not living in a museum, we are not fossils. The notion of continuity encompasses the notion of change. This was a process that took more than 3000 years and you can’t just sit back and say" Lets see the general picture".

You also said that it was the Greek nationalists of 19th century that convinced the Greeks that they are "Greeks". Not true. This is not confirmed by any primary source. If you take a look to folklore songs, the Cretan epic poems, the popular songs just before and shortly after the fall of Constantinople you will see what i mean. I am afraid that i don’t have enough time to answer this but i will soon.

Mentioned some examples of what the word "Hellin" meant during Byzantine era. An example of 4 century AC and an example of 9 century AC.

Romano Melodo (in greek)

Τί φυσώσιν και βαμβεύουσιν οι Έλληνες;
Τί φαντάζονται προς Άρατον τον τρισκατάρατον;
Τί πλανώνται προς Πλάτωνα;
Τί Δημοσθένη στέργουσι τον ασθενή;
Τί μη νοούσι Όμηρο όνειρον αργόν;
Τί Πυθαγόραν θρυλούσιν τον δικαίως φιμωθέντα;

As you can see the name Greek refers to the pagan and the infidel without any national meaning.

Here some more: The second Ecomenical Synod of 381 "«Αρειανούς μεν και Μακεδονιανούς και Σαββατιανούς και Ναυατιανούς τους λέγοντας Καθαρούς και Αριστερούς... Πάντας ως Έλληνας δεχόμεθα»"

Again, Greek = heretic

One more: 5th century BC Theodoritos calls the priests of Vaal : "«ιερείς τών Ελλήνων».

Again Greek=pagan. And there are more examples. You can find them everywhere.

On the otherhand, examples of Greek/Hellene being used to equate ethnicity:

The sultan of Egypt and Syria Nasir Mohamed calls the Emperor Androniko Palaiologo the Third " σπάθην του βασιλέως των Μακεδόνων και ανδρειότητα της βασιλείας των Ελλήνων. (trans Nasir Hasan, an another sultan of Egypt calls the Emperor Ioannis Katakouzinos "King of the Greeks”)

Nikiforos Grigoras says about the Patriarch Grhgorio : "διαβόητος εν τοις τότε γενόμενος Έλλησιν"

Ioannis Vatatzis writes: "ο Μέγας Κωνσταντίνος παραχώρησε τη βασιλεία των Ρωμαίων στο γένος των Ελλήνων"

Ioannis Argyropoulos calls the emperor Ioannis Palaiologos the eighth : "ω της Ελλάδος ήλιε βασιλεύ"

The last emperor Konstantinos Palaiologos in his speech just before the Fall says about Constantinople :"ελπίδα και χαράν πάντων των Ελλήνων"

So not only Gemistos used the term Greek. How about Xalkokondylis who changed his name in Laonikos. Xalkokondylis didnt use the tern "Romaios" but the term Greek instead when he was talking about the subjects of the Empire and called the emperors Greeks and not Romans. Doukas also uses the term Greek (Graikos), Hellenes and Romaios without distinction. Take a look in the works of these Byzantine authors and you will see the primary sources you ask.

…after 212 all subjects of Roman empire became Romans. Romans and not Goths, Germans, Italians, Greeks whatever. To be a Roman subject didn’t have neutral or negative meaning as you say. Maybe it is negative word for us today but to be a Roman back then was actually a good thing. I honestly don’t understand what kind of "national" definition you give for the word "Romaios". Especially when the concept of "Nation" was something that didn’t actually exist back then. To talk about "national" characteristics to describe a political institution of such kind (empire) is an anachronism in my honest opinion. And don’t forget that even the name "Hellas/Hellin" had also different meanings during the last 3000 years. For example in Homer Hellas was a specific area in Thesaly. There was a city called Helllas according to Homer (Β 683 - 684). Strabo gives his own definition in Θ΄ 431 - 432. In Odysseia we see that Hellas was Peloponissos or Sterea Ellada. Homer doesnt know the word Hellin. The Greeks are Danaoi or Achaoi. And bare in mind that Homeric epic poems save older memories of Mycenaean years. Not to mention that the Mycenaeans didn’t even know the word Hellin. The name didn’t exist but the people did exist. They spoke Greek but the name "Greek" was unknown for them.

Well, you can also refer to the «Η Τελευταία Βυζαντινή Αναγέννηση» (εκδόσεις Δόμος, Β΄ έκδοση, Αθήνα 2005). There you will see that classical education didn’t have only this function, to just learn the language. Some quotes of the book (in greek)

"«Ποτέ άλλοτε όμως δεν υπήρχαν τόσοι λόγιοι που να ήταν αφιερωμένοι στην ερμηνεία και την ανανέωση της αρχαίας ελληνικής σκέψης και στη διαφύλαξη της ελληνικής παράδοσης. Ακόμα και η λέξη “Έλλην” ανέκτησε το αρχαίο της νόημα. Και ευτυχώς για τον πολιτισμό όλης της Ευρώπης, αυτή η τελευταία Βυζαντινή αναγέννηση εμφανίστηκε σε μια στιγμή της ιστορίας που οι Δυτικοί λόγιοι ήταν προετοιμασμένοι να ανακαλύψουν το μορφωτικό κόσμο που κρατούσαν ζωντανό οι λόγιοι του Βυζαντίου»."

"«…κανένα ανεπτυγμένο έθνος δεν μπορεί να ισχυριστεί τέλεια φυλετική καθαρότητα και πως οποιαδήποτε γλώσσα διαμέσου των αιώνων αλλάζει και αφομοιώνει ξένες λέξεις και συνήθως χρησιμοποιεί μια πιο απλουστευμένη γραμματική». Και επιπλέον αν και σε ορισμένες περιόδους τους «οι Βυζαντινοί, αν και απέφευγαν τη λέξη “Έλλην”, θεωρούσαν τον εαυτό τους κληρονόμο του κλασικού παρελθόντος…το αγαπητό τους ανάγνωσμα, εκτός από την Αγία Γραφή και τους Βίους των Αγίων, ήταν τα έργα του Ομήρου»."

"«Η απειλή της επικείμενης πτώσης της Κωνσταντινούπολης και κατόπιν η ίδια η πτώση έφεραν και άλλους Έλληνες λογίους στην Ιταλία όπου και συνέχισαν την τόσο αγαπητή στο Βυζάντιο συζήτηση για τα υπέρ ή τα κατά της πλατωνικής και της αριστοτελικής φιλοσοφίας… από αυτούς τους λόγιους, τους εξίσου Πλατωνικούς και Αριστοτελικούς, έμαθαν στο μέγιστο μέρος τη φιλοσοφία τους οι άνθρωποι της Αναγέννησης»."

And then you said "interaction" as something that is the opposite of continuity. How exactly interaction disrupt the continuity of the Greeks? Is it possible to use the same clothes, music food and political institutions for 3000 years? How can a roasted lamp makes us Greeks and soutzoukakia makes us something else. Should we dressed like the Spartans or the Athenians? And yes interaction means the adoption of foreign ways of living sometimes. Just as the ancient Greeks adopted eastern cults. Dionysos cult came from the east. Homer didnt know Dionysos. But can you say that the ancient Greeks became less "Greeks" because they adopted a foreign cult? Nope. Mycenean civilization received huge influence form Minoans, and i mean huge. Did the Myceneans became Minoans? Nope. There is a huge bibliography regarding these issues.

Latin first and an archaic form of Greek language later was indeed the official language of the Byzantine Empire but the real and living language of many people inside the Byzantine empire was the popular form of Greek language. True, the Armenians possibly spoke the Armenian language in their homes or the Arabs spoke Arabic. And yes, they would fight in wars for the "Roman Empire" and not for a Greek Empire but this Roman Empire was a hybrid of ancient Roman and ancient Greek culture. This was the reality in the early Byzantine era when the Byzantines still had all the extended eastern provinces. It is difficult for us today to understand the faith and obedience of those people to the Empire but searching in TLG last night the use of the the term Greek/Hellin vs Romaios i have noticed that Byzantines when they are talking about their subjects or political issues they use the term Romaios and when there is a need for "national" distinction they say "Greek, Galaths, Alabanos (Albanos) Tourkos etc. They write "Ellhnas to genos" and sometimes they write Romaios, Ellhn (παραθετικός προσδιορισμός). I will post the sources later. They seem to understand the distinction between the identity of the citizen/subject and the "national" identity. Of course in the last 4-5 centuries of the Empire everything is changed. Without the Arabs, Slaves, Armenians subjects there is no need for such distinctions and as i will show later the word Hellen tends to become the equivalent of Romaios.

From TLG some sources regarding the term "Hellin".

Pseudo-Sphrantzes: 17 references and 3 of them that the word "Hellin" is used to characterize the subjects of the Empire.

a. Chronicon, 396.35,5

b. Chronicon, 418.15 : The Byzantines are children of the Romans and the Greeks

c. Chronicon, 418.32 : "καταφύγιον των Χριστιανών, ελπίδα και χαραν πάντων των Ελλήνων"

Joannes IV Katakouzenos 18 references

Historiae 1.286.23 Sometimes he uses the term Romaioi and sometimes the tern Hellenes describing the subjects

Historiae 1.423.17 the same

Historiae 1.505.1

Historiae 1.542.8 A city near Strumon river is (not was) Hellenic

Historiae 2.157.13 "βαρβάρους και Ελληνας" talking about the people of the Empire

Historiae 2.267.8 "The Roman Emperor is loved by all Greeks and barbarians". The emperor is "Roman" but the subjects are either Greeks/Hellenes or Barbarians

Historiae 2.567.14 The same

Historiae 3.94.11 The quote from my previous post (σπαθην των Μακεδόνων....)

Historiae 3.353.16 He is talking about a civil war inside the empire between the Greeks and Barbarians .

Ephraem Hist et Poeta

Chronicum 7414 The Latin Valduin against the Greeks aka the Byzantine Empire

Pseudo-Zonaras Lexicographos

Lexicon 684.3 Ελληνισμός=Everone who speaks Greek and live b the Greek ways (like the Byzantines)

Georgius Acropolites

Annales 80.21 "νέαν Ήπειρον τηε Ελληνίδας ημετέρας γης"

Georgius Pachymerus

Συγγρ. Ιστορίας 117.14 King Ioannis led to battle the Greeks who previously Achilles was their leader.

Nickeforos Gregoras

Historia Romana 1.129.6 The beginning of the Roman history is the war of Troy, not the foundation of Rome or the transfer of the Capital from Constantinus. All the ancient Greek history, from Troy to roman occupation is the Historia Romana, the history of Roman Empire.

Etymologicum magnum 51.56 "μη μιξαντες των βαρβάρων τον οινον μετά των Ελλήνων, τουτεστιν ημών. Its not the 15th century, the quote is from the 12th century!! Most impressive quote, don’t you think?

Michail Psellos

Chronographia 5.36.12 He is talking about a Roman subject who was not Greek" το γενος ουχ Ελληνα"

Anna Komnena

Alexias 10.9.8.8 "εκείνους τους ομηρικούς Ελληνας"

Alexias 10.10.5.2 "καθαπερ το Ελληνικόν" she is talking about the empire.

Alexias 12.9.4.11 "Δυρραχιον, ελληνικήν πολιν"

Joannes Skylitzes

Synopsis historiarum Const. 9.1.30 "The emperor as the "δικαστής των Ελλήνων"

Ducas

Historia Tourkobyzantina 6.4.6 "Eξελληνιζόμενος Σερβος" Α Serb who became a Roman citizen and Greek.


I agree that people are what they say they are. But sometimes the Byzantines use the terms Romaioi and Greeks to describe themselves, few times in 11 century, more times in 13th century, even more in 14 century and in the last centuries, the term Greek becomes usual.

Now, regarding the "nation" or "Nations" issue. Well, the common identity is the most necessary precondition for the instance of an empire since an empire incorporates people from different origin, religion, customs, education and consciousness. And without this "common identity" an empire could never exist as a political institution in humans history. So, under this perspective, every empire that existed on earth can be compared with any other political institution which in my honest opinion doesn’t leads us anywhere. The "national" feeling of a subject of an Empire is of different kind than the national feeling of a citizen inside a Nation-state. True, in both examples there is a common identity but in the second case there is also and a "National Ideology" ie the unity in space, religion, language, culture,” race". In a national state we talk about citizens under the same name while in Empire about Roman citizens but "Ellhnes, Slaboys, Albanous, Armenious kata to genos". The coherent element of the Empire wasnt "to genos", it was the intellectual ideological structure of the by the grace of God Emperor, the political and theoretical "manufacture" of "Roman" that was preserved as a fossil through the centuries while in every aspect the ancient Roman influence became obsolete and finally disappeared. There are no similarities between Cicero’s Rome and Photius’ New Rome. But both political institutions preserved the same name. Interesting fact indeed but different times, different characteristics.

Regarding the foreign cultural phenomena, I honestly don’t feel any contradiction between the adoption of foreign cultural elements and the preservation of the national identity. I never said that we should claim other cultural products only for ourselves neither I support the nationalist propaganda of our "exclusiveness" in originality. Furthermore, it was you who said that " that culture is not what makes a nation." So, why the adoption of a foreign cultural phenomenon proves that there is no continuity? I don’t know, maybe fustanella is actually an albanian "invention". Does this make us Albanians? I don’t think so. All the ancient Greek, Hellenistic, Byzantine heritage exist among the Greeks today, in religion, in language, in the popular customs, in the proverbs, sayings, in literature, in many aspects of our life. And this heritage co-exists with foreign ways as it is natural for a living and "evolved" civilization. Honestly, the question of who did this first, or who stole from whom is something that doesn’t interests me. So, what makes us Greeks. No, its not the culture alone, or the language only etc but all these elements together or at least most of them.

So, I do believe that the phenomenon of "nation" existed, not always of course, but from the early days of cultural diversity between the people thousands years before but also, since "nations" is an ideological structure too (since it has been used as such during mans history) is an achievement of the mind. And you know what? The latter is more important and interesting for me.


Well, regarding the folk songs here is a short list of some of the books I have read and in my opinion give a very good picture

Δημητρακόπουλος Σ., Ιστορία και δημοτικό τραγούδι 325-1945, Παρουσία, 1993
Διζικιρίκης Γ., Η αισθητική της ρωμιοσύνης. Το δημοτικό τραγούδι κάτω από το φως της πάλης των σύγχρονων, Φιλιππότης, Αθήνα, 1983
Κοντογιώργης Γ., Η λαϊκή ιδεολογία στο δημοτικό τραγούδι. Η προβληματική της δημοτικής κοινωνικής και πολιτικής σκέψης, Θεσσαλονίκη, 1985

Probably one of the best books:
Κυριακίδης Β., Το δημοτικό τραγούδι. Γραμματολογικά, γλωσσικά, μέτρο, δομή, ύφος, ενότητες, αναλύσεις, εκφραστικά, νοήματα, περιλήψεις, κεντρικές ιδέες, γενική εκτίμηση, Αθήνα, 1995

Μαλεβίτσης Χ., Το δημοτικό τραγούδι ως περιεχόμενο της συνειδήσεως του Νέου Ελληνισμού, Ευθύνη, Αθήνα, 1999

Μήλιος Γ.Χ., Το συναίσθημα της ελευθερίας και της φιλοπατρίας στο δημοτικό τραγούδι και στον έμμετρο δημοτικό λόγο, Αθήνα, 2000

Pagan elements in our folk culture (asxeto alla koryfaio vivlio)
Μιχαήλ-Δέδε Μ., Το άσεμνο, ανιερό, υβριστικό στο ελληνικό δημοτικό τραγούδι: γαμοτράγουδα, παρωδία θρησκευτικών ύμνων, νεκροφιλικά, αιμομιξία, έκλυτη ζωή με οινοποσία, κοπρικά, ύβρεις σε λόγο και αντίλογο, Φιλιππότης, Αθήνα, 1991

Στάθης Ε., Ελληνικά δημοτικά τραγούδια. Από τον ομηρικό μύθο και τ' αρχέτυπα σχήματα στους ρεμπέτες της Σμύρνης, της Θεσσαλονίκης και του Πειραιά, Σιδέρης, Αθήνα, 2004

And some more from my teacher in university:
Καψωμένος Ε., Το ελληνικό δημοτικό τραγούδι. Η αισθητική, ο μύθος και η ιδεολογία του, Ρέθυμνο, 1978
Καψωμένος Ε., Δημοτικό τραγούδι: μια διαφορετική προσέγγιση, Αρσενίδη, Αθήνα, 1990


The problem begins when we think of "continuity" in terms of 18-19th century. To seek for a "purity", "originality" "exclusiveness" in culture is an utopia. Remember the "aiolodoric" theory of A. Xristopoulos or the theory of the common accent of the ancient Greek and modern Greek language. Nationalism of 18th century totally disregarded any foreign influence in Greek culture from the ancient years. That’s why Byzantium became a dark page of modern Greek history. They couldn’t explain these commonalities you are talking about and tried to forget because it didn’t fit with the narrow historic perspective of 19th century. But today we have the luxury to know more. Continuity is a problem of definition. That’s why I really believe that natural culture exist but doesn’t have the context that the nationalists of 19th century presented. There are areas in Greece that received influences from other cultures but in the same time these neighboring areas received also the Hellenic influence and was changed also. Only dead and ineffective cultures remain the same.

On the other hand, cultural phenomena like the national commonalities or diversity have a "regularity" (κανονικοτητα). When the economical and political situation permits, homogeny prevails when there is political or economical fragmentation, cultural diversity comes along. We have many examples in our history. From Mycenaean era until today. Its a phenomenon of human civilization, its a causality (nomoteleia). It happened before and it will happen again.

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[Bardas]

Two more interesting quotes:

"In perchance you wish to exempt certain pagans
From punishment, my Christ,
May you spare for my sake Plato and Plutarch,
For both were very close to your laws in both
Teachings and way of life."

Metropolitan John Mauropus, verse prayer 11th century
D.J Geanakopulos Byzantium through Contemporary Eyes (1984) p.395. An instance of Byzantine reverance for the classics.
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HERE LYETH THE BODY OF
FERNINANDO PALAEOLOGUS
DESCENDED FROM YE IMPERIAL
LYNE OF YE LAST CHRISTIAN
EMPERORS OF GREECE
CHURCH WARDEN OF THE PARISH
1655 - 1656
VESTRYMAN TWENTY YEARS
DIED OCTOBER 8 1678

Epitaph from St John's Church, Barbados. After the fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453, descedents of the imperial Byzantine families were dispersed throughout the world, even as far as the Caribbean

[Tsontos]

kalws hr8es Bardas. Bardas, san "Kapetan Bardas" einai ?

[Truth Bearer]

Welcome Bardas great post mate......You are obviously a Melbourne lad.

[Bardas]

Originally Posted by Tsontos

kalws hr8es Bardas. Bardas, san "Kapetan Bardas" einai ?

Geia sou Tsontos, harika pou sas vrika.

Yia to nic mou, den ksero pios eine o Kapetan Bardas. Alla epelexa to nic mou tuxaia. Dialexa "Bardas" pio poli me tin enosi tou me to Vyzantinio.

[Bardas]

Originally Posted by Truth Bearer

Welcome Bardas great post mate......You are obviously a Melbourne lad.

Thanks for the welcome TB, good to be here. And you guessed right, am from Melbourne.

As for the post, once again credit goes to a Greek lad, razordur, from another forum.

[Tsontos]

Originally Posted by Bardas

Geia sou Tsontos, harika pou sas vrika.

Yia to nic mou, den ksero pios eine o Kapetan Bardas. Alla epelexa to nic mou tuxaia. Dialexa "Bardas" pio poli me tin enosi tou me to Vyzantinio.

Kapetan Vardas the pseudonym of the Cretan Macedonian fighter Giorgios Tsontos and he probably took it because of the same person you did!

[Bardas]

The Byzantine Empire, despite being one of the most important medieval realms, for the most part remained a kind of unknown, even for modern Greeks. But the more it is studied, indeed the more that is revealed, proves that Byzantium was in essence medieval Hellenism, the bridge of continuance between Ancient and Modern Greeks.


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From Britannica:

Byzantine society, certainly the middle and upper reaches, was well educated and aware of its continuity with its Greek past. The wealthier families had tutors for their children and there were some schools in the provinces. Teachers were available in the big cities, and Constantinople, to which the ambitious naturally gravitated, had its own university, founded as early as 425, providing higher instruction in a secular curriculum in which law and philosophy took pride of place. The church also had its schools, but the state had no need to depend on these for the provision of educated civil servants.

Throughout the middle ages Byzantium influenced and conferred benefits upon its neighbours in varying degrees, and in certain respects that influence and indebtedness still continue. For much of the middle ages Greek was not understood in Latin Europe, but Latin translations of a number of Greek works were made, where of ancient Greek or of Hellenistic authors, or of later Christian writers such as the desert fathers of Pseudo-Dionysius. From the 12th century onward this work of translation was greatly accelerated, spreading via Hungary, Italy and Sicily, Spain and the Arabs; more westerners themselves gradually learned to read the Greek originals which by the early modern period were being eagerly studied in western Europe. An obvious debt was owed in respect of the masterpieces of ancient Greece, where texts could hardly have been continually copied and read without the interest of an educated Byzantine public. Another source of influence was art and architecture, both through the smaller objects such as ivory reliquaries, fine textiles and illustrated manuscripts, which traveled as gifts to princely courts as merchandise, and through the craftsmen trained in Byzantine ateliers who went to work in south Italy or Sicily or the Balkans.

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After the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople and mainland Greece, many Greeks fled to Italy and where they contributed immensly to the Italian renaissance. This is another interesting piece I came across. It proves that the Hellenic national conscience was not something adopted by us in the 19th century, but had always been there:


"From almost the earliest years of my boyhood I strove with all my might, main, effort and concentration to assemble as many books as I could on every subject. Not only did I copy many in my own hand when I was a boy or youth, but I spent on books anything I could spare from my small savings...Since then, I have concentrated all my efforts and my time, all my powers on seeking out Greek books. For I feared -- indeed I was consumed with terror -- lest all these wonderful books, for the fruit of so much toil and study by the greatest human minds, those very beacons to the world, should suddenly be in danger of destruction...I came to understand that I could not select a place more suitable and convenient for men like me, of Greek background. Though nations from almost all over the earth flock in vast numbers to your city, the Greeks are most numerous of all: as they sail from their own region they make their first landfall in Venice, and have such a tie with you that when they put into your city they feel they are entering another Byzantium...So I have to give and granted all my books, both Latin and Greek, to the most holy shrine of the Blessed Mark in your glorious city, sure in the knowledge that this is a duty owed to your generosity, to my gratitude, and to the country which you wanted me to share."

Cardinal Bessarion, letter accompanying his deed of donation, which formed the basis of the library of St Mark's, Venice, 1468; Ludwig Mohler Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist und Staatsman (1942) Vol.3, pp541-3


Basilios Bessarion or Basilius Bessarion (in Greek Βασίλειος Βησσαρίων) (January 2, 1403 – November 18, 1472), mistakenly known also as Johannes Bessarion due to an erroneous interpretation of Gregory Mamme, a Roman Catholic Cardinal Bishop and the titular Latin Patriarch of Constantinople, was one of the illustrious Greek scholars who contributed to the great revival of letters in the 15th century.

He was born at Trebizond (an Anatolian Black Sea port), the year of his birth being variously given as 1389, 1395 or 1403.

He was educated at Constantinople, and went in 1423 to the Peloponnese to hear Gemistus Pletho expound the philosophy of Plato. On being tonsured monk, he adopted the name of an old Egyptian anchorite Bessarion, whose story he has related. In 1437, he was made metropolitan of Nicaea by the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaeologus, whom he accompanied to Italy in order to bring about a reunion between the Orthodox and Catholic churches. They had been separated since the Schism of 1054, but the emperor hoped to use the possibility of re-uniting the churches to obtain help from Western Europe against the Turks.

Upon his return to Greece, he found himself bitterly resented for his attachment to the minority party that saw no difficulty in a reconciliation of the two churches. At the Council of Florence, held in Ferrara (1438) and then Florence (1439-1445), Bessarion supported the Roman church and gained the favour of Pope Eugene IV, who invested him with the rank of cardinal at a consistory of 18 December 1439.

From that time, he resided permanently in Italy, doing much, by his patronage of learned men, by his collection of books and manuscripts, and by his own writings, to spread abroad the new learning. His palazzo in Rome was a virtual Academy for the studies of new humanistic learning, a center for learned Greeks and Greek refugees, whom he supported by commissioning transcripts of Greek manuscripts and translations into Latin that made Greek scholarship available to Western Europeans. He supported Regiomontanus in this fashion and defended Nicholas of Cusa. He is known in history as the original patron of the Greek exiles (scholars and diplomats) including Theodore Gaza, George of Trebizond, John Argyropoulos and many others.

He held in succession the archbishopric of Siponto and the suburbicarian sees of Sabina and Frascati. At the papal conclave of 1455 which elected the Aragonese candidate, Alfons de Borja, as Callixtus III, Cardinal Bassarion was an early candidate for his disinterest in the competition between Roman factions that pressed candidates of the Orsini and Colonna factions. He was opposed for his Greek background by the French Cardinal Alain de Coëtivy. "It is probable that the cardinals were less afraid of his Greek training and temperament than they were of his known austerity and passion for reform", Francis A. Burkle-Young has observed.

In 1463, his fellow humanist Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, then Pius II, gave him the purely ceremonial title of Latin Patriarch of Constantinople. As Dean of the Sacred College of Cardinals (from April 1463), he presided over the Papal conclaves in 1464 and 1471. For five years (1450-1455), he was legate at Bologna, and he was engaged on embassies to many foreign princes, among others to Louis XI of France in 1471. Vexation at an insult offered him by Louis is said to have hastened his death, which took place on November 19, 1472, at Ravenna.

Bessarion was one of the most learned scholars of his time. Besides his translations of Aristotle's Metaphysics and Xenophon's Memorabilia, his most important work is a treatise directed against George of Trebizond, a vehement Aristotelian who had written a polemic against Plato, which was entitled In Calumniatorem Platonis ("Against the Slanderer of Plato"). Bessarion, though a Platonist, was not so thoroughgoing in his admiration as Gemistus Pletho, and he strove instead to reconcile the two philosophies. His work, by opening up the relations of Platonism to the main questions of religion, contributed greatly to the extension of speculative thought in the department of theology.

His library, which contained a very extensive collection of Greek manuscripts, was presented by him in 1468 to the senate of Venice, and forms the nucleus of the famous library of St Mark's, the Biblioteca Marciana.

Most of Bessarion's works are in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. 161.

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