 Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne: a Brief History
Scroll down for the references to the Macedonian issue in bold. Some other interesting parts about the KKE, ELAS and feelings towards the Metaxas regime. Also a history of the interesting diaspora communist group called the Democritus League Quote:
Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne: a Brief History
Con K. Allimonos
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In the periods before and after World War II the political history of the Greek Democritus League was the prime agency for the Greek communist activity in Melbourne. This article explores the League's relationships and ties with the International, Australian and Greek communist movements and discusses the major events which impacted upon its development. In particular, the article aims to show that the Democritus was an integral part of the communist movement. Allies and opponents are discussed in the framework of political events in Australia and Greece. While an Australian-based organisation, the Greek-led Democritus League was significantly influenced by events in Greece, such as the Greek Civil War, which by the end of 1949 had transformed the 'workers' club into the unofficial spokes-group for the Greek Communist Party and its interests in Australia.
1
The political activities of Australia's migrant communities remain an area for further scholarly research and investigation.1 References to their political activities in this country appear in a number academic and non academic studies, with the activities of Greek and other migrant groups generally discussed in the context of the 'migrant experience' or Australian party politics.2 While much more has been written about the history of Greek immigration and settlement in Australia in recent years,3 only a handful of specialised authors have commented on the political activities of Australia's Greek communists4 and the so-called 'Greek Left'.5 The purpose of this article is to shed further light on the activities of Melbourne's Greek communist. They were arguably the most politically active group within Melbourne's Greek community and our understanding of this group aims to fill a gap in our knowledge of the broader 'Left' movement in Australia. Most of the information for this article is derived from the author's original research.6 2
The function, role and activities of Greek workers' clubs in Australia was first raised by Dr M. Tsounis in 1971 as part of his broader appraisal of Greek communities and the 'Greek Left' in this country. The issue of non-British migrant workers' clubs has further been explored by Dr M. Quinlan in the broader context of Australia's post-war labour and industrial movement where organisations such as the Greek Democritus League (or 'League') and other non British worker's clubs are discussed. Whilst this article touches upon the industrial and union sectors, its main focus remains on the political history of the Democritus League. Lack of sufficient data about its role in the broader industrial and labour movements, particularly in the post-war period, has placed obvious limitations on the article. Nevertheless, a number of generalisations could be drawn about Democritus and how it compares to other immigrant organisations of the Left in this setting. 3
The fact that Democritus spaned the pre- and post-World War II periods sets it apart from certain other organisations, such as the Italia Libera Movement (ILM) whose life span was far more limited. Whilst the ILM was formed as a result of a perceived need to establish an ethno-specific anti fascist organisation (aimed at defeating fascism in Italy), by end of the 1945 the organisation was in decline largely due to its inability to influence the Catholic Italian masses to its cause.7 Even though both the ILM and Democritus pursed similar anti fascist platforms, it was the latter that proved to be a more resilient organisation surviving in tact well in to the late 1960s. The Greek Civil War (1944–49) and its ability to attract certain Greek migrant workers to its ranks in times of economic hardship and during the period of mass migration were largely responsible for its longevity. Its support for the Greek communist guerrillas during the civil war ensured it a reliable support base within the Greek community, while its advocacy role on behalf of certain Greek immigrant workers further cemented this base in Australia. Despite its 'worker's club' status, the perception of Democritus in the Greek community and amongst Government agencies was that it was a political (communist) organisation. While its ties to the Greek, Australian and International communist movements proved in later years to be its Achilles heal,8 its longevity was also enhanced through this association, with Democritus bound to the lows and highs of these movements. 4
The post-war period provided both opportunities and challenges for Democritus. As expected, its communist tag proved a liability while the influx of Greek migrant workers in the 1950s and 1960s provided it with an ideal opportunity to enhance its membership and support base. In this regard, Democritus was well placed to respond the 'needs' of the Greek working class as its commitment to this group clearly embedded in its pre-World War II constitution. While the League acted and remained involved in this area, its effectiveness began to suffer as result of internal divisions in the communist movement in 1960s and early 1970s. It was also in the 1970s that other non-British workers' organisations appeared on the scene. Organisations such as the Federation of Italian Labourers and their Families (FILEF) also manoeuvred in an industrial and union setting where demand for an ethno-specific labour organisation appeared warranted.9 While a lack of funding seriously impacted FILEF's survival, political divisions were deemed responsible for the League's decline. Its effectiveness as an advocacy body for Greek workers and migrants was also curtailed by the Greek language newspaper Neos Kosmos which took on a significant role in promoting identical issues in the Greek community. In the end, the impact of Democritus League and other non-British workers' clubs was marginal in the union and labour sector. As noted by Quinlan, Democritus shared a number of similarities with other similar workers' clubs of the period. It also maintained a partisan role and encouraged migrant involvement in the union movement. Its activism in this area dates back to the hardships faced by the unemployed in the Greek controlled food and catering businesses of the 1930s. At the same time, Quinlan's observation that 'the involvement of these bodies in trade unionism suggests political compatibility rather than a direct interest in industrial relations' is not without foundation.10 In the case of Democritus, its involvement in the union movement was largely dictated by its allegiance to the communist movement in Australia, with many of its activities aligned to CPA (Communist Party of Australia) front organisations and affiliated unions. Whilst its affinity to the communist movement contributed to its demise, these same ties also explain its longevity and relevance in at least until the appearance of ideological cracks in the movement. 5
The Greek community in Australia in the pre-World War II era was small and did not appear to exceed 15,000 persons at any one time, with more permanent settlements established in urban centres in the 1920s and 30s. Between 1901 and the census year of 1947, the Commonwealth censuses were mostly recorded on a ten-year cycle, beginning with 1901. In terms of Greece-born residents in Australia, 878 were recorded in 1901; 1,820 in 1911; 3,654 in 1921; 8,329 in 1933 and 12,291 in 1947. Although they are a useful tool for determining the number of Greece-born settlers in Australia, the Commonwealth censuses are not without their limitations. Temporary Greek migrants may have been missed in the inter-censal periods, with researchers also facing the problem of distinguishing in the Census statistics ethnic identity from nationality. As the censuses concentrate on birth-place, they do not include those ethnic Greeks born in places such as Turkey, Egypt or even the Australia-born children of Greece-born parents. Furthermore, ethnic Greeks from regions not claimed by the Greek state did not register Greece as their birthplace.11 6
The major source of Greek immigration to Australia during this period were the Islands of Ithaca, Kythera and Kastellorizo. This group constituted approximately 40 per cent of the Greek population and was largely responsible for the creation and maintenance of the community's pre-war institutions and organisations. In addition to islanders, Greek settlers originated from Greek Macedonia and from regions outside the borders of the then Greek State such as Turkey and Cyprus. Most of those who arrived in Australia did so as part of the 'chain migration' process, a movement which encouraged relatives and friends to join established compatriots and sponsors, most of which, originated from the above mentioned islands with males outnumbering females prior to 1946 at a ratio of seven to three.12 7
Emigration for most Greeks during this period was linked directly to the state of affairs in their homeland. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the end of the Greek Civil War, Greece remained a relatively underdeveloped country with limited sources of income, prompted by ongoing wars and political instability. While a large proportion of Greece's population by 1940 was involved in the non agricultural sector, many of Australia's Greek settlers originated from rural settings. The absence of compulsory education during this period meant that illiteracy among Greek settlers was relatively high, particularly in rural districts with illiteracy higher amongst women than men. Districts of origin with high levels of illiteracy included Ithaca, Kythera and northern parts of Greek Macedonia. The Commonwealth censuses for the years 1911, 1921 and 1933 show that while a portion of the Greece-born could 'not read', the majority, however , could either 'read and/or write in English' or in a 'foreign language', presumably in Greek.13 8
The availability of work played an important role in shaping the volume and pattern of Greek immigration to Australia. From a population of approximately 15,000 Greeks that arrived between 1915 and 1940, over 6,000 repatriated, particularly during the depression years of 1928–32. According to the 1933 Census, approximately 16 per cent of the Greece-born workforce was unemployed, while the 1921 Census recorded a seven per cent unemployment rate.14 Like other 'foreigners' the employment opportunities of the Greeks were generally limited to particular sectors. There were few Greeks employed in the industrial sector largely due to union opposition and Australian Labor Party's (ALP) anti-immigration stance.15 Objections against non British immigrant workers, particularly in the area of contract labour, date back to 1902,16 with at least two Royal Commissions instigated into foreign contract labour.17 Stringent restrictions aimed at reducing the labour opportunities of southern Europeans were introduced after 1924.18 For certain unions, such as the Clothing and Allied Trades Industrial Union (Western Australia), these measures were simply not enough, leading to objections from the Union when Greeks competed for work with 'Britishers'.19 As a result of additional restrictive measures between 1924 and 1934 there was a decline of southern European immigration as levels fell below the quota limit. A worsening economy and rate of unemployment also led to further cuts in the quota in 1929 and 1930.20 9
Government attitudes towards the presence of southern Europeans varied according to the prevailing economic and social conditions in a particular location. Official prejudice towards southern Europeans was probably best illustrated in the 'Ferry Report' of 1924 which was commissioned by the Queensland Labor government's Royal Commission to examine alien labour in North Queensland.21 Despite protests from Greek Consular authorities, no Government authority, including the Prime Minister's Office, objected to Ferry's observations.22 10
The history of Greek communist activity in Melbourne dates back to this period and is bound to the history of the communist inspired 'Greek Workers Educational and Mutual Organisation, Democritus League', founded in 1935. It was very much a communist-led organisation with its leadership aligned to the Soviet Union and the Moscow-aligned communist parties in Greece and Australia. In spite of this, it also functioned as an informal venue for community gatherings open to all Greeks irrespective of their political orientation and district of origin. It was not uncommon for Greek organisations in the years prior to mass migration to take on the role of catering for the broader welfare, philanthropic and social needs of the small Greek community. This was particularly the case during difficult economic times, with regional brotherhoods at the forefront of this activity.23 11
The international communist movement, the domestic communist scene and events in Greece all played a role in shaping Democritus. Arguably, the most significant event to impact upon Democritus was the Greek civil war (1944–49) in which the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) was a major protagonist and more importantly, the loser in the conflict. By the end of the War, Democritus had transformed into the unofficial representative of the KKE and its interests in Melbourne. Until its demise in the 1970s, Democritus was the centre for leftist radical thought and activity in Melbourne's Greek community with allies amongst other Greek workers' clubs and the wider Australian communist movement. 12
While Melbourne lays claim to the formation of the first Greek worker's club in Democtitus, during the pre-World War II period Sydney was the centre for Greek community political activity because of its larger Greek population and more extensive community structure. The largely Sydney-based dispute between supporters of the Greek Orthodox Community (GOC), the peak community organisation, against the more recently established Ecumenical Patriarchate in Australia (1925) was the other important reason for increased political activity, with Sydney's small band of communists aligned against the latter in this dispute.24 Their opposition also extended to royalists, establishment figures and shop keepers within the Greek community.25 In turn, attacks from within the Greek community against alleged communists became more prevalent with claims by Greek consular officials that 'Bolsheviks' were persecuting the Patriarchate.26 Despite claims of a 'Bolshevik' conspiracy, a formal Greek communist presence in Sydney did not materialise until at least 1932 when a 'branch' or cell was allegedly convened. Although regular meetings were held, it is questionable whether these constituted formal CPA branch meetings.27 A more organised presence was noticeable in 1939 with the formation of the Greek workers' club, Atlas,28 which was modelled on Melbourne's Democritus League.29 13
Some of Victoria's earliest Greek communist sympathisers originated from Ithaca (the dominant regional group in Melbourne) and from the shores of Asia Minor (known as 'Micrasiates' in Greek). Settlers from these regions were said to have been exposed to communism through seafaring and their proximity to the Black Sea and Russia.30 Other members such as Basil Stephanou, who was active in both the CPA and a prominent member of Democritus during the forties and early 1950s, originated from the island of Kastellorizo.31 While most Ithacans were Melbourne based, settlers from Asia Minor were also attracted to the Mildura region with its warmer climate and vine yards.32 For Alekos Doukas, Melbourne's most prominent pro-communist Micrasiate, the Asia Minor disaster (1922), when Greeks were removed from Turkish Asia Minor, was largely responsible for shaping his political ideology.33 Although a self-confessed communist,34 Doukas was also very religious and believed that Communism and Christianity could co-exist. His mixture of politics and religion made him stand out amongst his compatriots.35 Whilst Doukas gained inspiration from his Christian faith, his views did not appear to be shared by other comrades and were never articulated in Democritus policy. Instead, his views about the co-existence between religion and Marxism often led to clashes between him and his small group of friends (mainly from Asia Minor) with whom he socialised during his three month stint as a grape picker (an occupation familiar to Micrasiates) in Mildura.36 14
As in Melbourne, Mildura's Greek communists had little impact upon their community. The majority of Greeks at the time were concerned more about securing employment in a difficult labour market than on political affairs. In spite of this, there were attempts by a few Greeks between 1927 and 1930 to form into an organised unit. These attempts failed and were attributed by oral sources to community indifference and on perceived xenophobic attitudes of the local Mildura ALP branch. According to the oral evidence, another attempt was made to form a Greek-specific CPA 'branch' in the late 30s, with claims that such a 'branch' operated from 1940 until 1947–48.37 With or without a 'branch', Mildura's Greek communist remained politically active in the affairs of their community well into the 1950s often clashing with the more conservative elements (loyal to Archdiocese) for control of Mildura's major Greek institution (the Greek Educational League, Plato).38 During this period some also maintained close ties with Democritus dating back to early 1943 when 19 of the Mildura based Greek community or 'Miltzourites' (in Greek) joined Democritus, of which, five were women.39 15
As in Mildura, few Greeks embraced the communist ideology in Victoria's largest urban centre of Melbourne. Prior to the formation of Democritus, Greeks sympathetic to the communist ideals were labelled 'Bolsheviks',40 with at least two believed to have been members of the Victorian Socialist Party's (VSP), the CPA's predecessor. Although little is known about these men and their activities, the oral evidence suggests that they were committed communists.41 Nicholaos Xenodohos is said to have become a member of the VSP in 1916 while Nick Georgoulis is remembered as having 'taught' communist ideology to a number of sympathisers at Patimeni, a small Greek coffee house in Lonsdale street. It is unclear whether Georgoulis and a man known as 'Zavogiannis',42 of whom little is known, developed their ideology in Australia or were influenced by the worker's movement in Greece. Xenodohos, on the other hand, was a member of the Hotel Club and Restaurant Employees Union. It is presumed that he embraced his political beliefs in Australia and is said to have tried to involve other Greeks in the broader trade union movement.43 From the limited evidence, which is largely oral, it is unclear whether the trade union movement had a significant impact in mobilising these early Greeks into its ranks or into the ranks of the broader Left or communist movement. 16
The number of communists in Melbourne's small Greek community in the 1920s probably did not exceed 20, with Government authorities aware of only a few. It is also unclear how many were members of the CPA at the time of Democritus' formation, with as many as 15 suggested by the oral sources.44 Despite claims to the contrary,45 there is no firm evidence to support this figure or the existence of a so called Greek communist 'cell' or 'CPA branch' operating in Melbourne prior to 1935. Amongst other things, English language proficiency is said to have discouraged Greeks from joining, while in other cases, they did not join simply because they did not consider themselves 'ardent' communists.46 17
Until the formation of Democritus, and in the particular, the purchasing of its official club rooms (217 Russell Street) in 1942, Melbourne's small band of Greek communists were largely ignored by the Greek community and Australia's security agencies. Located on the first floor of a three-storey building, the Soviet, Australian and Greek flags were prominently displayed.47 While attracting pro-communist sympathisers, its club rooms were also used by ordinary male Greek workers who sought assistance from Democritus with employment and other welfare matters. Others used the premises because they simply preferred the congenial environment of a workers' club as opposed to that of Greek coffee houses.48 Between 1942 and 1945, membership grew to approximately 308 paid members,49 comprised largely of Greek nationals, naturalised British subjects of Greek origin and Australians of Greek descent.50 Over half of the paid membership was Melbourne-based, with Greek seamen, soldiers and shopkeepers constituting nearly a quarter of the total membership of Democritus and with only nine registered women members for this period.51 In essence, while clearly acting as a formal organisation for specific political purposes, Democritus, particularly after 1942, also assumed an informal role as a social venue for community members. Within its defined formal political role, Democritus had the capacity to undertake welfare duties that were usually associated with the 'handling of the affairs of the working class' (article 4b). 18
Even though the Roman name 'Spartacus' was suggested for the club,52 the ancient name of the Greek personality and materialist philosopher, 'Democritus', was deemed more suitable because it reflected both the revolutionary and Greek elements of the club.53 Its original constitution included 30 articles,54 with membership open to all Greeks 16 years of age and over who agreed with the organisation's aims.55 In 1935, membership was possibly between 40 and 60 paid members.56 Demicritus' administrative structure revolved around its 11 member honorary committee of management,57 with the President having an official role on all of the organisation's committees.58 Although the official organ of Democritus, the Demokratikon Deltion,59 received official government permission to be printed in 1936, it was nevertheless governed by a strict set of regulations in pursuance of the then 'Publication of Newspapers in Foreign Languages Regulations'.60 Not surprising, it was through the Deltion that Democritus espoused most of its pro-communist views,61 which more than often caught the attention of the Commonwealth Investigation Service (CIS). 19
The Democritus constitution provides an insight into its aims and means for achieving them, with articles 4 and 5 of particular interest:
AIM
Article 4. The aim of the organisation is:
The social and intellectual advancement of its members, to offer every possible assistance and help to its members.
The handling of the affairs of the working class (unemployment; wages; working views; workers compensation etc.)
To cultivate friendly relations between Greek migrants and Australian people and also with the rest of the Greek Organisations.
To assist every effort for the preservation of World Peace.
Article 5. The means for the achievement of the Aim:
for the educational, the creation and preservation of a library and reading facilities. Organising public lectures and discussions on social, political, scientific and philosophical subjects. The creation of cultural groups (for instance dramatic, musical, athletic etc.) For mutual assistance, organising of cultural committee, mostly of women and the assistance must be offered without embarrassment to the assisted.
As far as the working class affairs the formation of a special committee and close contact with the Australian Workers' Organisations.
20
On the surface, the Democritus constitution does not appear to display a radical tone. However, beneath the surface of its carefully worded aims appear the slogans and language of the Australian, Greek and international communist movements.62 As stated in articles 4(b) and 5(b), the welfare of the 'working class' was a significant issue for Democritus. Since the late 1930s, the Democritus League was committed to improving the conditions of Greek workers in Greek-owned stores during this period and also said to have been active in mobilising workers in strike activity against Greek shop owners.63 21
Despite allegations by Greek workers of exploitation and poor working conditions,64 it was in the shop-keeping and food and catering trades where large numbers of Greeks were employed.65 This was partly due to the limited opportunities in unionised employment, but also to other factors such as a lack of specialised skills and/or capital.66 Language familiarity; a sense of belonging; freedom from Government; union interference and the opportunity to enter commercial activities were other reasons why Greeks enter into the catering trades. Family and compatriots were also important in determining their entry into this sector. Even though wages were usually low and hours long, there was at least some guarantee of food and accommodation. The shop-keeping environment also allowed the newcomer to feel more secure and less isolated amongst his fellow compatriots. More importantly, when Greeks required capital to finance their businesses, they tended to borrow from established Greeks.67 Such was their involvement in the shop keeping trade that by mid-1945, Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide had their own Greek chambers of commerce.68 Workers' issues remained a high priority for Democritus, with 'special committees' (article 5b) formed in later years to deal with a range of 'working class affairs' that Democritus directly linked to Australia's immigration policies. 22
The end of the Greek civil war signalled a new era for Greece and was marked not only by post-war reconstruction but also by the phenomenon of mass emigration. Greek migration to Australia after 1947 was of a completely different nature. Between 1947 and 1959, approximately 63,431 permanent and long term arrivals entered Australia with their numbers peaking in the mid-60s.69 District of origin and the proportion of arrivals also distinguished pre- from post-war Greek immigrants. Unlike the former, the majority of post-war settlers were non islanders originating from mainland regions of Greece.70 From the 1950s onwards, a steady stream of Greek settlers began to enter Australia and were concentrated in Australia's urban and industrial centres where jobs were more plentiful.71 By the mid-1960s, Melbourne's Greek population was concentrated the inner suburbs and was overwhelmingly comprised of unskilled workers. This new setting offered recruiting opportunities for Democritus particularly amongst sympathisers of the KKE. While some were attracted to this organisation because of its politics, others joined because of its empathy for Greek migrants.72 23
Fuelled by the recession of 1952–53, Democritus maintained that Australia could not successfully absorb the large number of post-war Greeks into the work force73 and by April 1953, it called for a total halt to mass immigration74 and blamed the 'fascistic'75 Papagos (Greece) and Menzies governments for allowing Greeks to enter the country.76 In June 1952, Democritus attempt to assist the 'plight' of the Greek unemployed and forwarded a resolution to the Department of Immigration requesting that migration be stopped until more employment opportunities were secured. It also suggested that the Federal government should spend more money to relieve unemployment.77 In May 1953, the Democritus-inspired Pan-Hellenic Relief, Unemployment and Sickness Committee entered the Department of Immigration reception and training centre at Bonegilla without authority to assist 'needy' compatriots. The Department strongly contested the Committee's complaints, claiming that the deputation was there to politicise rather than assist the migrants at Bonegilla.78 Democritus used this episode to attack Australian and Greek government authorities on the broader issue of immigration79 and in the same year, formed the provisional Committee for the Rights of Migrants (CRM),80 a front group for a number of pro-communist migrant organisations.81 It is worth noting that at the time, Democritrus was one of the few organisations in the Greek community to propose policies to help new arrivals,82 particularly the unemployed. 24
Another aspect of the Democritus constitution that warrants some attention relates to article 4.c. and its aim to 'cultivate friendly relations' with other Greek organisations. While the Democritus League did maintain 'friendly' relations with a number of non political Greek organisations83 and undertook philanthropy,84 documents from the archives of Democritus reveal that it maintained and developed such ties mostly with those Greek and Australian organisations which it shared a common ideological platform85 such as the other Greek workers clubs like Atlas.86 Democritus, largely through influential individuals within the organisation, also maintained close ties with the ACP (Australian Communist Party) and some of its affiliate organisations such as the Australian-Soviet Friendship Society (ASFL) and the Eureka Youth League, often resulting in visits by prominent ACP identities to Democritus convened meetings.87 During the 1950s, the Democritus League also maintained ties with other pro-communist organisations such as the Democratic Rights Council (DRC)88 which it relied upon for assistance to pressure the Greek government in relation to the pro-communist EDA political party in Greece.89 Cordial relations were also maintained with AKEL (Communist Party of Cyprus),90 largely over the status of Cyprus.91 25
Alliances and friendships were also sown years earlier during the Metaxas dictatorship in Greece (1936–41) which closely coincided with the formation of Democritus in 1935. Its opposition to Metaxas did not significantly elevate its profile in the affairs of a small and predominantly conservative Greek community environment. Democritus' stance on Metaxas mirrored that of the KKE which was firmly suppressed by the regime. In line with the Comintern's instructions to establishing a united front to combat fascism, the KKE equated the Metaxas regime with 'monarcho-fascism'. Democritus adopted a similar position and criticised its representatives in Melbourne (Consul-General), the Church and Greek shopkeepers for their alleged pro-Metaxas stance.92 Although this type of attack was not new, it was by no means justified, as Democritus had condemned a dictatorial regime and not the country's cultural or religious institutions. Nevertheless, its communist tag did little to improve its image in the community. 26
With war imminent in the Balkans, the Comintern issued the KKE with a new directive: to assist rather than oppose Metaxas against Italy's encroachment in the Balkans.93 While it is unclear how the rank and file reacted to the directive, the League's anti-Metaxas line was toned down in subsequent publications of the Deltion.94 Ironically, the Axis invasions of Greece during World War II appeared to increase the 'patriotic' standing of Democritus in the community. By now, Democritus had developed a more doctrinal approach to communism95 and openly supported directives emanating from the Soviet Union. Hence, when the Soviet-Nazi pact was signed, Democritus did not publicly question or criticise the Soviet Union's actions. While some members were clearly unimpressed by the pact, the majority did not appear to oppose this position largely due to the CPA's convincing explanations as to why the pact was formed.96 27
Further ties with the broader Greek and Australian communist movements were developed during World War II and the Greek civil war.97 The civil war in Greece, in particular, had a dramatic impact on Democritus, transforming it from a 'workers' club into a far more politically active organisation. While its beginnings date back to World War II, the origins of the Greek civil war date back to the 1910s and 20s and the political schism in Greece which pitted Venizelists (supporters of the Liberal Party) against Royalists. With the departure of the Germans, the KKE had become a major protagonist for power in Greece through EAM (National Liberation Front, established in 1941) and its armed wing ELAS (National Peoples Liberation Army).98 Prior to the German retreat in 1944, EAM/ELAS was the largest resistance force fighting the German and Italian occupiers. Even though socialists and republicans were part of this movement, it remained a largely communist-inspired and controlled organisation. 28
Ironically, the British for reasons of military expediency extended EAM/ELAS support during the Nazi occupation. They also tried but failed to halt hostilities between EAM/ELAS and non-communist resistance forces with the signing of the National Bands Agreement. Fighting resumed in December 1944 when ELAS revolted against the British forces (under General Scobie) and the Greek government of unity.99 At the time, Scobie's small British force was left in Greece after its liberation in 1944 to oversee the inception of a post-war government and also ensure that Greece remained firmly in the Western camp, as had been agreed by Churchill and Stalin in October 1944.100 The ELAS forces narrowly failed in their attempt to seize control of Athens during the December revolution and hostilities between communist and government forces increased dramatically in the years 1947–49. By the end of 1947, Britain had pulled out of Greece and had been replaced by the USA in accordance with the Truman Doctrine. Greek communist forces which were largely ignored by the Soviet Union and refused assistance by Tito's Yugoslavia (because of his ideological quarrel with Stalin) faced a humiliating withdrawal in August 1949 as many guerillas fled to neighbouring communist states.101 29
Well before the conclusion of the war in 1949, Democritus had emerged as the unofficial representative of the KKE-backed EAM/ELAS in Melbourne's Greek community. While most Greeks in Australia had come from islands not directly involved in the armed struggle, sharp ideological divisions nevertheless appeared in Australia's small Greek communities. The intensity of the conflict varied from community to community, with the conflict more noticeable in Melbourne and Sydney. During the civil-war years Democritus developed a more visible presence in the community resulting in increased scrutiny from Australia's security agencies (ASIO after 1949), with at least six security reports compiled on its activities between 1944 and 1956.102 There is no doubt that pro-KKE/EAM sympathisers consolidated the Greek Australian communist movement in Melbourne after the Civil War, yet there is no evidence to suggest that these individuals were themselves 'political prisoners'. Even though some of those arrivals who joined Democritus after the Civil War felt that they were persecuted by Greek Government authorities and deemed themselves to be 'political prisoners', the release of such persons from Greek authorities at the time, particularly for emigration, was an unlikely course of action. 30
Democritus officially recognised EAM in February 1944.103 Documents from its Archives reveal that Democritus maintained regular contact with EAM and acted as its unofficial fundraiser.104 Support for EAM in Australia also came from certain elements in the trade union movement105 and the Guardian newspaper.106 The Australian branch of the Greek Seamens Union or OENO was also aligned with Democritus in support of EAM,107 with at least 33 Greek seamen officially members of Democritus in 1943 (in Melbourne, Democritus acted as the OENO's representative).108 While its ties with the OENO and sections of the Australian Left movement did not appear to cause it further friction with its traditional opponents in Melbourne's Greek community, the opposite was the case with the Macedonian Australian Peoples League (MAPL). 31
Certain sections of the Greek community interpreted Democritus' links with the Slav Macedonian MAPL as support for Tito's newly formed People Republic of Macedonia (est.1944) and SNOF (Slovenomakedonski Narodno Osloboditelen Front), the Slav Macedonian organisation which sided with the Greek communist guerrillas during the Greek civil war.109 From the 1920s many Greeks opposed the KKE's policies on the 'Macedonian Question'. While there is no doubt that Democritus was ideologically aligned to MAPL in broad terms (it included MAPL supporters as its members),110 it neither supported nor agitated in favour of the annexation or separation of Greek Macedonia to Yugoslavia.111 Nevertheless, the 'Macedonian Question' remained a contentious issue for the Democritus for years to come, with its opponents more than often misconstruing as official policy the ideological position of certain leading members on this issue.112 32
The issue of 'World Peace', as reflected in article 4d, was a major platform for Democritus, particularly during the cold-war years, when it sided with the 'peace-loving nations of the socialist world' against 'imperialist USA' and the Menzies Government.113 Its 'peace' activities were guided by the Australian Peace Council (APC) which had become affiliated with the World Peace Council, a communist-inspired organisation.114 33
Also of interest is article 5(a) which makes reference to encouraging Greek women to be involved in the organisation. When Kay Tsounis, the first woman secretary of Democritus (1941–44), attempted to approach the wives and daughters of Democritus' members for this purpose, she realised that:
Politically Greek women were held back by their husband and fathers. Patriarchy was sacred in those days, and so-called leftists were no different. Although they supported me in words, they didn't feel the same when their women came to the club. The only thing they didn't stop their women doing was cooking for our social functions.115 34
Because of her bilingual skills, Tsounis proved to be a valuable asset for Democritus.116 Even though she worked hard to encourage other women to join, it was not until 1943 that a women's committee was finally in place in Democritus. Even then, the group had no real impact upon the organisation's decision making process.117 With the exception of Tsounis, most women undertook welfare and voluntary duties in the organisation, reflecting the then non political role of Greek women in the political environment. 35
By the end of the 1950s Democritus was clearly a supporter of the communist movement in Australia and of the KKE and its interests. As a result of these ties and ideological splits within the communist movement, Democritus endured internal conflict (or Diaspasis in Greek). The archives of Democritus hold few documents about this matter, particularly for the crucial 1968–70 period. Therefore, most of the information about this issue has been sourced from oral evidence. Who were its main protagonists in the split that affected Democritus? What was the role of the Greek language newspaper Neos Kosmos, the CPA and KKE in this matter? Why did the Sino-Soviet dispute have little bearing on Democritus? 36
The break-up of the world communist monolith began after the death of Stalin through the twentieth congress of the communist party in 1956 when Khrushchev attacked Stalin's rule. Efforts for reconciliation with Yugoslavia, the 'Hungarian revolution' and the Italian Communist Party's internal reforms further impacted the communist movement. The Sino-Soviet dispute (1957–62) and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 led to further divisions in the already fragmented communist movement. In turn, these events had a profound impact on the KKE. In exile since the civil war, the KKE had faced major issues on several fronts: over its failure in the Greek civil war, the campaign against Stalinism and the Soviet disputes in Yugoslavia, China and Albania. With a military junta in power in Greece (1967–74), splits had emerged by the end of 1969. The KKE split into the Moscow aligned KKE (exterior) and KKE (interior).118 By the middle of the Sino-Soviet dispute (1960–61), the CPA was also at a crossroads. Although largely pro-Moscow, in 1963 the CPA was divided into at least three groups and in 1967, at its Twenty-first National Congress, it discarded the system of democratic centralism and adopted an organisational system which allowed factions to operate within the party as well as some other major changes.119 37
Long before the impact of the splits upon Democritus (1968–70), the organisation appeared to maintain a uniform ideological stance on most doctrinal matters. This was not because its communist-led executive was sheltered or unaffected by the appearance of ideological cracks in the international communist movement, but rather, because it had never drifted too far away from the Moscow-line. Its loyalty to Moscow was rooted in its pre-World War II founders who only knew one master, the Soviet Union. Despite the crises of 1956 and Sino-Soviet split, Democritus remained loyal to Moscow.120 Only when the Sino-Soviet dispute widened in 1962 did Basil Stephanou, one of the League's most prominent members, leave Democritus and CPA to join the pro-Peking CPA (M-L) party (1964).121 38
Until the split in the KKE and the invasion of Czechoslovakia, the majority of the Greek members in the CPA also supported Moscow. A post-war Greek branch of the CPA was formed in the mid-1950s, probably around 1956, with its own executive and a degree of independence. Not surprisingly, some of its members in later years also maintained close ties with Democritus and Neos Kosmos, with members drawn from the former as well as other Greek clubs.122 The branch catered for a range of views that were both for and against the Hungarian revolt and other matters. Diverse opinion was tolerated by the dominant pro-Moscow branch with so-called reactionaries not taken seriously or expelled.123 This was probably due to the fact that dissenters constituted a minority within the branch. Another reason why the branch retained its unity during the 1960s was that it took a united stand against the common enemy: the Greek junta. In spite of this unity, Greek communists did not remain immune from the splits within the communist movement, with some alleging that CPA interference was a contributing factor for Democritus' future internal conflict.124 39
In 1957, control of the Australian-Greek newspaper (under G. Tollis) passed to D. Gogos who gave the newspaper the new title of Neos Kosmos.125 Since its inception, Neos Kosmos gave Democritus considerable coverage, with some of those in charge of the newspaper also members of the Greek worker's club.126 Although viewed as a pro-communist paper, Neos Kosmos maintained a broader perspective by also supporting the ALP in the 1960s.127 On Greek matters, it agitated against the Greek junta and criticised the monarchy, lobbied on migrant issues and attempted to convince Greeks to support the ALP and participate in trade unions.128 Initially viewed as a radical paper in its formative years,129 in later years it was criticised by certain elements within Democritus for its alleged revisionist and Euro-communist position.130 The paper openly criticised the Soviet Union for its intervention in Czechoslovakia131 and on the whole, appeared to support the unofficial anti-Moscow faction of Melbourne's Greek communist circles.132 As a result, tensions increased between Neos Kosmos and sections of the Greek branch of the CPA and Democritus, with its critics claiming that the newspaper had betrayed the communist ideals by opposing the Soviet position and supporting the Interior Office of the KKE.133 It is not surprising, given the CPA's own revisionist sympathies, that the Party tried to keep Neos Kosmos on its side during the split as a possible counter to the Moscow-oriented Greek branch of the CPA.134 At the time, Neos Kosmos was published from the Guardian's offices. Although there is no evidence to show that the CPA was ever in direct control of the paper, many believe that it chose to back Gogos in an attempt to counter alleged attempts by Greek pro-Moscow elements to control the paper.135 Other present-day individuals involved in the events of that period maintain that Neos Kosmos betrayed the 'progressive' movement136 and its 'founding' financial backers.137 As a result, its opponents in 1970 founded the Greek Australian Left Review with publication ceasing in 1975 due to limited support and resources.138 40
The communist-led Democritus League was very much part of the Greek, Australian and international communist movements, and therefore, was never immune from its conflicts. Although many of its members supported the CPA, their ultimate loyalty lay with Greece's KKE. So, when the Greek Communist Party split in 1968, Democritus soon followed, leading in 1970, to a division between those who supported the Exterior Office of the KKE and those who supported the minority Interior Office. The dispute between these two factions intensified leading to the former controlling Democritus. Despite attempts to unite the factions, in the end most sided with the camp that remained loyal to the ideological line of its founders. 41
Even though the Democritus League declined as a unified political force after 1970, it was nevertheless a unique organisation in the Greek-Australian political environment capable of representing both overseas and domestic political interests. In spite of this, Democritus like other workers' clubs in the post-war period remained a marginal force in the broader Australian political and labour movements. While its strong links to the communist movement eventually sealed its fate, these same ties helped to further extended its life span and relevance in the community. Arguably this workers' club greatest legacy is that it provided a setting for politically aspiring Greeks to propel themselves into the broader Australian Left movement. 42
Endnotes
1. See J. Jupp (ed.), Ethnic Politics in Australia, George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1984, p. 2. Of particular interest is Don Aitken's comment that 'not enough has been done on Greeks and politics and that we will not have real knowledge about migrants and politics until we first know a good deal about Greeks and politics, Australian Italians and politics and so on'.
2. See bibliographical references in C.K. Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne, 1917–1970, unpublished MA thesis, University of Melbourne, 1993; C.A. Price, Southern Europeans in Australia, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1963, pp. 304–305; and more recent texts such as Jupp (ed.), Ethnic Politics in Australia.
3. C.K. Allimonos, Australia's Greek Regional Brotherhoods, 1901–1945, unpublished PhD thesis, Hellenic Studies, La Trobe University, 2002, ch. 1.
4. See bibliographical references in Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne. Also consult C. Lever-Tracy and M. Quinlan, 'A Divided Working Class', Ethnic Segmentation and Industrial Conflict in Australia, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1988, pp. 118–119, 150–157; M.G. Quinlan, Immigrant Workers, Trade Union Organisation and Industrial Strategy, PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 1982; and S. MacIntyre, The Reds: the Communist Party of Australia from Origins to Illegality, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1998, p. 267. These sources provide useful comments about immigrant worker clubs, with references to 'Democritus'.
5. The term 'Greek Left' appears in M. Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Adelaide, 1971; and M. Tsounis, 'Greek Left in Australia', Australian Left Review, vol. 29, March 1971, pp. 53–60. It is used to describe a range of left-wing activists, with 'communists, radicals, unemployed, anti-fascists, anti-establishmentarians, anti-imperialists and trade unionists' placed under this heading. Since 1971, the term has been employed by C. Holbraad, Ethnic, Cultural and Political Participation: a Study of Greeks in Australia, 1926–1970, PhD thesis, ANU, Canberra, 1977; F. Mackie, A Sociological Study of the Influence of the Greek Church Split on the Assimilation of Greeks in an Inner-city Suburb of Melbourne, MA thesis, Monash University, 1967; and C. Reich, On Ethnic Identity and Political Participation: the Jewish and Greek Communities in Melbourne, PhD thesis, Monash University, 1983. Also, see J. Kakakios, M. and J. Van Der Velden, 'Migrant Communities and Class Politics: the Greek Community in Australia' in G. Bottomley and M. de Lepervanche (eds), Ethnicity, Class and Gender in Australia, Sydney, 1984, pp. 144–164. Others, like G. Papadopoulos, employ the term 'Greek left-wingers' to describe those who identified with left-wing resistance organisations during the Greek civil war (1944–49). G. Papadopoulos, 'Social Organisation and Ethnic Power: a Greek Perspective', in D. Storer (ed.), Ethnic Rights, Power and Participation, Monograph no. 2, Clearing House on Migration Issues, Melbourne, 1975, pp. 40–41. Kourbetis places communists, trade unionists and anarchists under the general heading of 'radicals'. See S. Kourbetis, Ethnicity versus Class? A Study of Greek Radicals in Australia: 1920–1989, MA thesis, Department of Sociology, La Trobe University, 1990.
6. See Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne. The history of Greek communist activity in this study is by no means complete with information lacking about the role of certain protagonists/events particularly in the post-War period.
7. G. Cresciani, 'The Second Awakening: the Italia Libera Movement', Labour History, no. 30, May 1976, pp. 22–37.
8. According to Quinlan, religious schisms within the community also impeded the effectiveness of Greek workers' clubs. See Quinlan, Immigrant Workers, Trade Union Organisation and Industrial Strategy, p. 389.
9.Ibid., pp. 389–401.
10.Ibid., p. 402.
11. Allimonos, Australia's Greek Regional Brotherhoods, p. 102.
12.Ibid., pp. 108–113.
13.Ibid., pp. 104–106, 113–114.
14.Ibid., pp. 114–116.
15. A.M. Tamis, An Illustrated History of the Greeks in Australia, Dardalis Archives of the Greek Community, La Trobe University, Melbourne, 1997, p. 7; Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, pp. 123–124; R. Appleyard & J. Yiannakis, Greek Pioneers in Western Australia, University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands, 2002, pp. 159–64.
16. National Archives of Australia (hereafter NAA): A8/1, 02/112/114.
17. M. Langfield, 'Attitudes to European Immigration to Australia in the Early Twentieth Century', Journal of Intercultural Studies, vol. 12, no. 1, 1991, p. 8.
18. Price, Southern Europeans in Australia, p. 88.
19. NAA: A1/1, 27/11009.
20. Price, Southern Europeans in Australia, pp. 91–92.
21. See T.A. Ferry, Alien Immigration Commission. Report of the Royal Commission Appointed to Inquire into and Report on the Social and Economic Effect of Increase in the Number of Aliens in North Queensland, Queensland Parliamentary Papers, 1925, vol. 3, Paper A. 28. In his report, Ferry views the Australian Workers Union's objection to alien labour as 'perfectly reasonable' because 'they did not object on racial grounds', but rather on the existing over supply of labour. Elsewhere in his report however, the issue of race appears to be a primary motive for opposing southern Europeans. See C.K Allimonos, Australia's Greek Regional Brotherhoods, pp. 10, 18–19.
22. See letters from Greek Consul, Prime Minister and his Private Secretary in NAA: A461/9, N439/3/ 5, and A1/1, 25/22564.
23. See conclusion in Allimonos, Australia's Greek Regional Brotherhoods.
24. Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, pp. 230–236.
25. Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne.
26. See letters from Greek Consul General to Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dated 16 February 1932 and Theofylaktos Papathanasopoulos' report to the Patriarch, dated 20 July 1928 in the Archives of the Greek Community, La Trobe University.
27. On this matter see Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, p. 236, especially footnote 2.
28. Greek workers' clubs were established in other Australian cities both during and after World War II. See Tsounis, 'The Greek Left in Australia', p. 54.
29. Kourbetis, Ethnicity versus Class?, pp. 65, 73; Australian Archives, ACT (hereafter AA ACT), Attorney General's Department, 'D' Branch, Accession no. A6122/XR1, item no. 370. CP of — Greek National Fraction, memo no. 841, 17 February 1953; also, Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 17 September 1964, p. 596.
30. On Asia Minor, interview with John Mavrokefalos, 5 October 1989. Some of the earliest Greek communists from Ithaca are said to have been A. Vrettos, S. Rikaletos, J. Black, C. Kantiliotis and one Zimbatos. Interview with Stathis Raftopoulos, 5 October 1989. Even prior to the Russian revolution, Asia Minor Greeks shared a common bond with Russia because of its Orthodox faith and its historic anti-Ottoman (Turkish) stance with influenced by the Bolsheviks before a communist presence took root in mainland Greece. The Comintern's anti-war propaganda of the 1920s, the disastrous Asia Minor campaign and the forced uprooting of almost one million Greeks from Asia Minor (1922) also led many to be sympathetic to communism. G. Kousoulas, Revolution and Defeat: the Story of the Greek Communist Party, Oxford University Press, London, 1965, pp. 10–11.
31. AA ACT: Attorney General's Dept., ASIO, Greek Democritus League — Part 1, A1622/30, item no. 1218. See Security Service Victoria Weekly Report, 28 July 1944 and Document A. 282/1 subject: Democritus League, 28 July 1944.
32. According to the oral evidence, Mildura's climate reminded Asia Minor Greek settlers of their former homeland.
33. Doukas arrived from Greece in 1927 and in 1932. He re-entered Australia in 1935. Interview with Chris Zigouras, 1 October 1989.
34.Truth, 9 December 1944, p. 13.
35. Interview with Chris Zigouras, 1 October 1989.
36. Ibid. According to Zigouras, his group is believed to have included the Zigouras brothers, Max Scamangos, Con Kavouriaris (from Icaria), Xenos Ballis, Peter Tsounis, Stathis Tselepis and Theo Pappas.
37. Interview with Chris Zigouras, 1 October 1989.
38.Ibid.
39. See Archives of Democritus (AD): Treasury Book (1942–52), pp. 84–85. The Archive is held by the Democritus League. The person most responsible for developing links with Democritus was Kay Tsounis, secretary of the League between 1942 and 1945. See AD: letter from Alexiou to Doukas, 25 May 1945 in folio titled Genika.
40. Information derived from interviews in 1989 with pre-World War II and other Melbourne-based Greeks such as the Varigos brothers (Jim arrived in Melbourne in 1914. Dennis was born in 1918 and Nick arrived from Greece in 1923); John Mavrokefalos (arrived 1926); Clem Kantiliotis (arrived 1924); Chris Zigouras (arrived 1926); S. Tsitas (arrived 1958); Nick Polites (Australian born) and Stathis Raftopoulos. Also, see typed manuscript (held by the author) on Greek communist activity by G. Tollis titled 'I Politiki zoi ton Ellinou Afstralias apo tin engatastasi tous mechri to 1989', p. 2. It should be noted that both Mavrokefalos and Kantiliotis had held CPA membership and were also founding members of the Greek Democritus League. Tsitas was a member of Democritus and a pro-communist. Chris Zigouras was involved with Greek communists in Mildura but did not belong to any Party.
41. Nikolaos Xenodohos and Nick Georgoulis are said to have been members of both the VSP and CPA. Information derived from Della Elliot (daughter of Xenodohos) and D. Kalomiris (on Georgoulis) in S. Kourbetis, Ethnicity versus Class?, pp. 54–55.
42. Georgoulis was known for his religious beliefs, while very little is known about Zavogiannis who is believed to have arrived in Australia at the start of the twentieth century. Personal interview with Clem Kantiliotis, 8 October 1989 and historian Dr Micahel Tsounis, 11 July 1990.
43. S. Kourbetis, Ethnicity versus Class?, pp. 55–56.
44. From the oral evidence of pre-World War II Greeks, the author estimates that the number of Greek communists did not exceed twenty, with NAA documents also supporting this claim: See AA ACT: Attorney General's Dept., ASIO. Greek Democritus League. Part 1, CRS A6122/30, item no. 1218. See Greek Organisations — Supplementary Report. Victoria, 19 March 1945 and Alleged Communists said to be engaged in Subversive activities in Australia, 12 December 1949. On Greek CPA membership, the CPA (Victoria) advised me in July 1989 that 'documentation relating to Greek membership of the CPA had been lost or seized by ASIO' and instead, I was told to consult oral sources.
45. Clem Kantiliotis, when interviewed by Kourbetis, claimed a Greek section of the CPA existed in Melbourne by the 1930s. Kourbetis, Ethnicity versus Class?, p. 73. The notion of a Greek 'CPA branch' operating during this time was rejected by my interviewees in 1989.
46. Interviews with John Mavrokefalos, Stavros Tsitas, Clem Kantiliotis, and Chris Zigouras, 1989.
47. AA ACT: A6122/30, item no. 1218, See report titled, Greek Organisations — Supplementary report, points C, D and G.
48. Tsounis, 'The Greek Left in Australia', p. 58.
49. See Democritus Treasury Book, Tameion, 1942–45, pp. 80–91.
50. AA ACT: A6122/30, item no. 1218, See Greek Organisations — Supplementary report. Victoria 19 March 1945, dated 6th April 1945, no. 6.
51. Democritus Treasury Book.
52. Z. Sarandis, History of Greek Democritus League, Bachelor of Education, institution not cited, undated, Archives of Democritus. This is an unpublished study into immigration to Australia and its educational implications.
53. According to Kourbetis, ethnicity rather than class compelled Australia's Greek radicals to form Greek workers' clubs and join the CPA because of its migrant sympathies. See Ethnicity versus Class?, pp. 10, 58–59 and ch. 1.
54. See Constitution, Greek Workers Educational and Mutual Organisation, Democritus. The original constitution of 1935, which was still in place until 1952, was reviewed at a special General meeting of the members in 1952.
55. Constitution of Democritus, article 6.
56. See Tsounis, 'The Greek Left in Australia', p. 55; AA ACT A6122/30, item no. 1218. See reports titled, Greek Organisations — Supplementary Report. Victoria, 19 March 1945. Democritus League, p. 6 and minute paper dated 29 November 1956, no. 2, p. 2.
57. Information about the League's membership/committee sourced from the Democritus Archives and AA: A1622/30, 1218. See secret minute paper titled Democritus League, 29 November 1956 (no. 2 and 3).
58. Constitution of Democritus, articles 16, 17.
59.Ibid., article 29 (d) and (g).
60. These regulations are outlined in AA ACT: A6122/30, item no. 1218. See letter from W.R. Hodgson to The Democritus League, September 1936, entitled Publication of Newspapers in Foreign Languages Regulations.
61. Copies of Deltion are available in the Archives of Democritus for the years 1942–48, with single copies for 1936 and 1940 in folios titled Demokratikon Deltion, Genika.
62. See secret 1945 CIS report alleging that the League paid scant attention to its published aims of 1935, with its primary objective the spread of 'leftist' ideology. See AA ACT: A6122/30, 1218, Greek Organisations — Supplementary Report. Deputy Director of Security (SA) to Director General of Security, 6 April 1945.
63. See article 4(b).
64. B. Stephanou interview in Sarandis, History of the Greek Democritus League, pp. 2–4.
65. From interviews conducted with pre-war Greeks for MA thesis: Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne, 1917–1970. NAA: A1/1, 12/19710 makes reference to alleged exploitation in 1912 of young boys from Greece in Sydney's Greek run food businesses.
66. C. Price, Southern Europeans in Australia, pp. 160–161.
67. Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, p. 56; H. Gilchrist, Australians and Greeks, Vol. 1, The Early Years, Halstead Press, Rushcutters Bay NSW, 1992, p. 191.
68. H. Gilchrist, Australians and Greeks, vol.1, p. 191.
69. NAA: A6119/83, 1433; A663/1, 130/3/1349.
70. S. Harvey, 'Greeks in Australia: a Demographic Analysis' in A. Kapardis and A. Tamis (eds), Afstraliotes Hellenes: Greeks in Australia, River Seine Press, North Melbourne, 1988, pp. 122–123.
71. P. Kringas, 'Post-war Greek Immigration' in J. Jupp (ed.), The Australian People: an Encyclopaedia of the Nation, its People, and their Origins, Angus & Robertson, North Ryde NSW, 1988, pp. 516–518.
72. M. Tsounis, 'Greek Communities in Australia', in Charles Price (ed.), Greeks in Australia, Canberra, ANU Press, 1975 p. 29.
73. Between 1953 and 1957, there were approximately 300 registered members of which as many as 50 were deemed 'active'. From Interview with C. Kantiliotis, 1992 and see Tsounis, Greek Communities in Australia, p. 409.
74. While unemployment reached a seasonal peak in January 1953, the recession did not last long and activity in the economy began to increase decisively by January 1954. See Report of the Committee of Economic Enquiry (1965), vol. 1, Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra, 1965, p. 1.16.
75. AD: Minute Book, 1951–53, 26 April 1953.
76.Deltion, May 1953.
77. AD: Minute Book, 30 October 1953.
78. AA ACT: CRS A6122/30, item no. 1218. See items G. Zangalis and others, Democritus League from Regional Director (Vic.) to ASIO H/qs, 9 July 1952, Unauthorised Persons in Block 5 on 24 May 1953, 25 May 1953 and AD: Letter from P. Agrotis, Gen Secretary of Democritus to editor of Ethniko Bima, 14 July 1953.
79.Ibid.
80. See English translation of a two-page document headed, Bonegilla in AA ACT: CRS A6122/30, 1218.
81. AD: Letter from provisional CRM to secretary, Cyprian Brotherhood, undated.
82. See AD: Letter to B. Fitzpatrick from G. Zangalis, 8 April 1953; from Ernest Platz, sec. of Jewish Council to secretary, CRM, 11 May 1953, J. Vendruska to CRM, 4 May 1953 and see Conference on the Rights of Migrants, pp. 4–6.
83. AD: See publication headed, Examino Shedio (Mais-Octobris 1955, 2 May 1955, p. 1.
84. Interview with John Mavrokefalos.
85. AD: letter from Pan-Hellenic Committee of Hospitals Appeal to Democritus, 12 May 1938.
86. AD: see folios titled, Genika (General) and Entipo Adelphon Organoseon.
87. On 'Atlas' see, Thirty Years since the establishment of the Greek Atlas League (1939–69). Souvenir programme. According to documents from the Attorney-General's department, Atlas was the centre for Sydney's Greek communists in the 1940s early 1950s: AA ACT: CRS A1622/30, items 1217 and 1218, Atlas Club and A6122/XR1, item no. 370. See C.P. of A, Greek National Fraction.
88. See AA (ACT): CRS A6122/30, item 1218, CRS A1622/30, item no. 370, A6122/30, item no. 1219, Part 2 and AD: ASFS circulars to Democritus, dated, 12 April and 4 July 1945 and correspondence from H. Stein, secretary of EYL to the secretary Democritus League, 6 May 1947 and in folio titled, 'Australian-Soviet House'.
89. The DRC, which was founded in Melbourne in 1949, was supported by communists in opposing government moves against the ACP. See AD: DRC, Draft Resolution Conference. 25 June 1954 and letters from O'Connor to Greek Minister of Justice, 10 January 1951 and Agrotis to Commander Sarafis, EDA, 24 May 1953.
90. During this period the League acted as EDA's unofficial representative in Melbourne and promoted the plight of Greek political prisoners, most of which were communists or communist sympathisers. Even though the State viewed them as subversives, Democritus considered them resistance fighters and sought their amnesty. See AD: Letters from Zangalis to Sarafis, 26 May 1954; from Koyalos, undated and G. Clark, The Religious Society of Friends to Democritus, 30 July 1950; Agrotis to Papagos, 12 January 1954 and Doukas to Karamanlis, 30 October 1959.
91. See AA (ACT): CRS A6122/18, item no. 56/2730, Memo headed, Democritus League Melbourne, and A6122/30, item. 1218. Anastasiou Demetriou.; Cypriot Extremists. Information from ASIO, Special Branch. Members and Established contacts within the Greek Community.
92. Cyprus was still in crisis until a common solution between Greece, Turkey and Great Britain was found in 1959, with the Greeks on the whole favouring political union with the island. From the beginning of the crisis in 1955, Australian Liberal and Country parties opposed union and consequently Menzies's policy on Cyprus aroused the ire of many Greeks. See J. Petrolias, Post-War Greek and Italian Migrants in Melbourne, PhD thesis, University of Melbourne, 1959, p. 241. Despite allegations of a Cypriot 'extremist' group operated through the League and the Melbourne-based Cypriot Self-Determination Committee (est. 1955), ASIO's own investigations failed to reveal such activity in the League or in other Greel workers' clubs. See AA ACT: CRS A1533/18, item 56/2730 and A6122/30, 127. Atlas Club.
93. From interviews with pre-war Democritus members, Melbourne, 1989. The League's anti-Metaxas position was reflected on the school committee and at a reception for King George of Greece at the Orpheus club. See Phos, 5 July 1939.
94. G. Kousoulas, Revolution and Defeat: the Story of the Greek Communist Party, Oxford University Press, 1965, London, pp.138–140.
95. AD: See Demokratikon Deltion folio.
96. AD: See Ideology folio which contains writings on communist theory and practice.
97. See Allimonos, Greek Communist Activity in Melbourne.
98. AD: See folio titled, Atlas Greek workers' clubs in other Australian cities were established after 1942. For a list of these clubs see Tsounis, 'The Greek Left in Australia', p. 54.
99. Kousoulas, Revolution and Defeat, pp. 143–144.
100.Ibid., p. 152 and ch. 13.
101. C.M. Woodhouse, Modern Greece: a Short History, Faber, London, 1977, pp. 252–258.
102. Kousoulas, Revolution and Defeat, chs 15 and 17.
103. AA ACT: A6122/30, items. 1218 and 1219.
104. See Democritus Treasury Book, Tameion, February, 1944. p. 5 and AA ACT: CRS A989, item no. 44/ 370/4/4, Repercussions in Australia of the Greek political situation.
105. AD: Geniko folio: See letters from D. Partsalides to Democritus, 11 December 1942; 26 February 1947, 31 March 1947 and 14 May 1947.
106. AA ACT: CRS A6122/30, item no. 1218, See Greek Organisations, p. 1, (3i) and AD: letter from the state secretary of the Building Workers Industrial Union to A. Doukas, 9 April 1947; G. A. Doyle, Secretary of Federated Ship Painters and Dockers' Union of Australia (FSPDU) to A. Doukas, 15 April 1947.
107. See Guardian, 12 July, 15 February and 25 October 1946; 21 May 1947 and 4 June 1948. The communist press was one of the first to support the League's position on Greece. See AD: letters from A. Richardson, secretary of Bendigo Trades Hall Council and Literary Institute to Mr. A. Doukas, Pres. of Democritus League, 26 March 1947 and G. A. Doyle, secretary of FSPDU to Democritus League, 23 February 1951, Mr. R. G. Menzies, 23 February 1951 and Greek P.M., 22 February 1951.
108. The OENO was set-up with the assistance of the Seamen's Union of Australia (SUA) in the early 1940s. Its main headquarters in Cardiff were established by the pro-communist Greek Seamen's Union and recognised in 1941 (after a Greek shipping pool was formed in Cardiff as a consequence of the Greek government's entry into the war). See B. Fitzpatrick and R. Cahill, The Seamen's Union of Australia, 1872–1972, SUA, Sydney, 1981. The OENO was closely monitored with its cables intercepted between 1941 and 1945. See AA (ACT): CRS A6122/30, item no. 1218, Notes on OENO; A437, item no. 48/6/22 and AA(VIC): MP 1587/1, Dept. of Defence, Navy Office. Navy Historical Section, Historical files, 1944–1975 . Greek Seamen, File 303J.
109. See Democritus Treasury Book, 16 October 1945, January 1949 and Nautergates in Geniko folio, January 1943; letters from S. Valentzas, secretary of the OENO to A. Doukas, February–July 1945; telegrams 3 April 1945 (no. 1743) and 15 March 1943. Also see AA ACT: CRS A6122/30, item 1218, Notes on the OENO, no. 6 and 7.
110. See C.K. Allimonos, Towards an Understanding of the 'Macedonian Problem' in Victoria, 1947–1988, M.A. Preliminary thesis, La Trobe University, 1988, pp. 78–85. On MAPL support for the Greek rebels during the Greek civil war see, AA ACT: A6122/1, item no: 172 and issues of Macedonian Spark for March–November 1947; June 1948; February–June 1949 and June 1950. Also see Sydney Tribune, 13 May 1950 and Napradak, 16 April 1949 and 9 September 1950.
111. See Democritus Treasury Book, p. 90.
112. Despite views to the contrary, the communist-led Democritus was not always on good terms with MAPL and its Slav-Macedonian members. The League staunchly opposed the notion of an independent Macedonian state incorporating Greek Macedonia and during a march in 1947 objected to Slav-Macedonian members displaying a controversial flag. According to the oral evidence, the incident caused tension between Democritus and the MAPL, leading to the departure of its Slav-Macedonian members. Concerned about this matter, the League wrote to EAM and KKE for further guidance. In reply, EAM acknowledged the right of Slav-Macedonians (not Macedonians) to maintain their own customs and traditions but opposed an independent Macedonian state incorporating Greek land. The reply merely re-stated the KKE's 1935 slogan on the Macedonian issue which called for 'equality for minorities'.
113. In 1953, the League was involved in another controversy over Macedonia. When G. Zangalis, the then secretary of the League, wrote a letter to the Melbourne branch of the MAPL on the anniversary of the 1903 Illinden revolt against the Turks (acknowledged as the national holiday of Slav Macedonians), sections of the Greek community were offended by certain phrases in the letter when it appeared in the Macedonian Spark and Phos. See Allimonos, Towards an Understanding of the 'Macedonian Problem', pp. 40–41, 128–139.
114. AD: Minute Book, 1951–53, 30 October 1953, 26 and 30 April 1953.
115. B. Stephanou talk on 3CR radio, 1 May 1985 and AD: Letters from Australian Convention on Peace and War to Democritus League, 17 August 1953; P. Agrotes, General Secretary of Democritus to Secretary of APC, 15 November 1954 and statement by Agrotes on Fifth World Festival of Youth, 20 June 1955. Also, AA ACT: CRS A1622/30, item no. 370, Democritus League. On the APC and WPC see A. Davidson, The Communist Party of Australia: a Short History, Stanford University, California, 1969, pp. 104–105.
116. Letter from A. K. Alexiou (Kay Tsounis) to author, 16 July 1989.
117. She originated from Icaria, the so-called 'red' island with both her parents communist sympathisers and one of her sisters active for the then illegal KKE. In Australia, members of her family were linked to the CPA branch of South Australia. See Sarandis, History of the Greek Democritus League, p. 2 and AA ACT: CRS A6122/XR1, item no. 370, C. P. of A. Greek National Fraction.
118. A.K. Alexiou to author.
119. C.M. Woodhouse, The Rise and Fall of the Greek Colonels, Granada, London, 1985, pp. 36–37.
120. Davidson, The Communist Party of Australia, pp. 163–170.
121. Interviews with Tom Gergos, Chris Mourikis and George Philopoulos, May 1992.
122. AA (ACT): CRS AG122/30, item no. 1218. Whether Stephanou, who was then the main link between Democritus and the CPA, joined the CPA (M-L) because of ideological or personal reasons remains a disputed point. As an importer of Chinese fish, Stephanou visited China on many occasions between 1963 and 1968. His defection to the CPA (M-L) at no time split the League's executive. Interview with Tom Gergos, April 1992.
123. Interview with George Philopoulos, April 1992.
124. Interview with George Zangalis and Phanis Zianas, May 1992.
125. Interview with George Philopoulos, 1992. Philopoulos claims that tensions between the pro-Moscow orientated Greek branch and revisionist CPA began in 1969, when B. Taft (President of Vic. branch of CPA) came back from an international meeting in Moscow (from 5–17 June) of Communist and Workers' parties. The CPA's refusal to fully align itself with the Soviet position (together with Italy and others), led some in the Greek branch to question the CPA's loyalties. Unlike most in the CPA, the Greek branch opposed the revisionist line and supported Moscow. Taft's attempt to push political pluralism on the branch was apparently not been welcomed. Taft, on the other hand, disputes these claims and points out that Philopoulos played a limited role in the branch and that the whole affair was very much 'a storm in a tea cup'. Taft rejects any alleged interference by him or others in the CPA and points out that the conflict in the branch must be seen in the wider context of the Sino-Soviet dispute and crises of 1968. Interview with Bernie Taft, May 1992.
126. J. Zubrzyski, and M. Gilson, The Foreign Language Press in Australia, 1848–1964, ANU, Canberra, 1967, p. 33.
127. AD: Democritus Minute Book, 1965–70, pp. 10, 43 and 56.
128. Petrolias, Post-War Greek and Italian Migrants, p. 252.
129. Mackie, A Sociological Study of the Influence of the Greek Church Split, pp. 51–52.
130. Tsounis, 'Greek Left in Australia', p. 59.
131. Interview with Dimitris Gogos, May 1992. Also, see AD: Diaspasi folio.
132.Neos Kosmos, August 1968-October 1970.
133. Interview with Chris Mourikis, April 1992.
134. AD: Diaspasi folio. See Words and Deeds: A statement of the Greek Aristotle Branch.
135. Interview with Bernie Taft, May 1992.
136. Interview with Phanis Zianas, May 1992.
137.Ibid. and Committee of the United Left, For the 25 years ofNeos Kosmos, December–January, 1982–83.
138. This is emphatically denied by Gogos, the paper's editor. Although he acknowledges that League members and others assisted with some fundraising during the first two years of the paper's existence he also points out that Neos Kosmos was never funded by Democritus nor the Greek branch of the CPA. Gogos points out that some individuals used the issue of financial support during the Diaspasi to make their own claims on the newspaper. At no time, claims Gogos, did the paper belong to outside interests (namely, the pro-Moscow faction). Instead, he points out that the paper was always registered under his name with him being the major shareholder. Interview with Gogos, May 1992.
139. Letter from Michael Tsounis to author, 11 July 1989.
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-Θεόδωρος Κολοκοτρώνης
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