akritas
03-23-2008, 05:17 PM
The renaming or, more precisely, the Hellenization, of the majority of toponyrns is indicative of the process of homogenization attempted by the Greek state in the context of the modernization of the region and more generally the country. This process was not limited to ethnological homogenization but embraced all spheres of life in the northern provinces(not only in Macedonia but also in Epirus and Thrace).
The geographical area of the Greek nation-state (a term that use from the known Greek academaic Elizabeth Kontogiorgi ) had been inhabited for centuries by populations of different ethnic origins and for centuries had been dominated by different foreign rulers. Political events, ethnic rivalries, dislocation of populations, and resettlement processes over such a long period had, as a consequence, left an indelible imprint on the geographical nomenclature of the region. The great array of Greek, Turkish, Slavic, and Albanian toponyrns bore irrefutable witness to the ethnic multiplicity of the Balkan peninsula under Ottoman rule.
In the light of the instability of the times and the confusion inherent in the mass resettling of populations, this was the cause of considerable concern to the Greek state and led to the foundation, in 1909, of the 'Committee of Place-names' (Epitropi Toponymion), in accordance with the Royal Act of 31 May, 1909.63
A policy of Hellenizing toponyrns had actually been set up soon after the establishment of the Greek nation-state in the nineteenth century. Scholars undertook to locate sites of antiquity, place-names that came up in classical geographical texts, and helped in the renaming of villages and cities. No little research was undertaken and the Committee did much delving into antiquity in the quest for historically substantiated, original Hellenic names.
The Committee consisted of academics of renown—among whom Nikolaos Politis and Georgios Chatzidakis played a prominent role, other scholars coming from various disciplines, and state officials. Their primary con*cern was to study all dubious toponyrns, to substantiate their incon*gruity, and subsequently to present their proposals for change to the Ministry of the Interior.
After the Balkan Wars, a more efficient policy for the re-establishment of Greek names in the entire country, and particularly in the recently annexed northern provinces, was required. In response to the need, the Greek government issued the law of 14 February 1914 on the constitu*tion of municipalities and communes, in accordance with which the local councils could decide on the change of name of the municipality or the commune. There arose instances, however, where the names proposed by the local authorities proved to be both inapt and inept. In such cases, and having discussed the issue with the community leaders, the Committee would again undertake to make its proposals to the Ministry. Paradoxically, some of the names proposed for Hellenization may well have been Greek in origin, though long corrupted by Turkish, Slavic, or Albanian influence.
The policy of Hellenizing toponyms was fundamental to the more comprehensive process of establishing a collective ethnic consciousness and a sense of national identity rooted deeply in the profundity of time and history. Affinity with classical antiquity was looked upon as the ultimate proof of ethnic purity, historical continuity, and perpetuation. Characteristic of this attitude is Nikolaos Politis, according to whose view the use of foreign names, or for that matter even cacophonous Greek names, was a sad phenomenon. He found them detrimental to the Greek language itself and believed that they undermined the conviction of local inhabitants. He argued that, because a foreign name may indicate foreign origin, much could be misconstrued as to the ethnic make-up of a region.
The vast majority of the new toponyms are descriptive of the landscape, either natural or cultural aspects of it. The description is often attached to common suffixes such as -chori (village), -komi (large village), -polis (town), -topos (place) -lofos (hill), -vouni (mountain), or prefixes such as kalo-(good), palaio- (old), para- (near), meso- (between), mono- (only).
Other village names are indicative of their topographic location. Renaming was also prompted by a variety of factors of immediate concern to the new inhab*itants and ranged from cultural characteristics of the inhabitants to environ*mental features of the surrounding land. They often indicated either the favourable or even the inhospitable nature of the area, the predominant vegetation, the type or quality of the soil or of the local water supply.
source
[Population Exchange in Greek Macedonia, Elisabeth Kontogiorgi, Oxford University, abstacts from the pages 293-295] (http://modern-macedonian-history.blogspot.com/2008/05/population-exchange-in-greek-macedonia.html)
The geographical area of the Greek nation-state (a term that use from the known Greek academaic Elizabeth Kontogiorgi ) had been inhabited for centuries by populations of different ethnic origins and for centuries had been dominated by different foreign rulers. Political events, ethnic rivalries, dislocation of populations, and resettlement processes over such a long period had, as a consequence, left an indelible imprint on the geographical nomenclature of the region. The great array of Greek, Turkish, Slavic, and Albanian toponyrns bore irrefutable witness to the ethnic multiplicity of the Balkan peninsula under Ottoman rule.
In the light of the instability of the times and the confusion inherent in the mass resettling of populations, this was the cause of considerable concern to the Greek state and led to the foundation, in 1909, of the 'Committee of Place-names' (Epitropi Toponymion), in accordance with the Royal Act of 31 May, 1909.63
A policy of Hellenizing toponyrns had actually been set up soon after the establishment of the Greek nation-state in the nineteenth century. Scholars undertook to locate sites of antiquity, place-names that came up in classical geographical texts, and helped in the renaming of villages and cities. No little research was undertaken and the Committee did much delving into antiquity in the quest for historically substantiated, original Hellenic names.
The Committee consisted of academics of renown—among whom Nikolaos Politis and Georgios Chatzidakis played a prominent role, other scholars coming from various disciplines, and state officials. Their primary con*cern was to study all dubious toponyrns, to substantiate their incon*gruity, and subsequently to present their proposals for change to the Ministry of the Interior.
After the Balkan Wars, a more efficient policy for the re-establishment of Greek names in the entire country, and particularly in the recently annexed northern provinces, was required. In response to the need, the Greek government issued the law of 14 February 1914 on the constitu*tion of municipalities and communes, in accordance with which the local councils could decide on the change of name of the municipality or the commune. There arose instances, however, where the names proposed by the local authorities proved to be both inapt and inept. In such cases, and having discussed the issue with the community leaders, the Committee would again undertake to make its proposals to the Ministry. Paradoxically, some of the names proposed for Hellenization may well have been Greek in origin, though long corrupted by Turkish, Slavic, or Albanian influence.
The policy of Hellenizing toponyms was fundamental to the more comprehensive process of establishing a collective ethnic consciousness and a sense of national identity rooted deeply in the profundity of time and history. Affinity with classical antiquity was looked upon as the ultimate proof of ethnic purity, historical continuity, and perpetuation. Characteristic of this attitude is Nikolaos Politis, according to whose view the use of foreign names, or for that matter even cacophonous Greek names, was a sad phenomenon. He found them detrimental to the Greek language itself and believed that they undermined the conviction of local inhabitants. He argued that, because a foreign name may indicate foreign origin, much could be misconstrued as to the ethnic make-up of a region.
The vast majority of the new toponyms are descriptive of the landscape, either natural or cultural aspects of it. The description is often attached to common suffixes such as -chori (village), -komi (large village), -polis (town), -topos (place) -lofos (hill), -vouni (mountain), or prefixes such as kalo-(good), palaio- (old), para- (near), meso- (between), mono- (only).
Other village names are indicative of their topographic location. Renaming was also prompted by a variety of factors of immediate concern to the new inhab*itants and ranged from cultural characteristics of the inhabitants to environ*mental features of the surrounding land. They often indicated either the favourable or even the inhospitable nature of the area, the predominant vegetation, the type or quality of the soil or of the local water supply.
source
[Population Exchange in Greek Macedonia, Elisabeth Kontogiorgi, Oxford University, abstacts from the pages 293-295] (http://modern-macedonian-history.blogspot.com/2008/05/population-exchange-in-greek-macedonia.html)