Turkish Cypriot views.

[Orphic_Hymn]

In the article "Turkish Cypriot's Exit, Voice and Loyalty" written by Dr. Gilles Bertrand we find the following:

• Since 1974, 35,000 Turkish troops garrison the northern zone. Officially to protect Turkish Cypriots from eventual Greek Cypriot attack. But one can ask why so many troops when (Greek) Cypriot National Guard has only 10,000 troops? Why so many troops when the Turkish victory in 1974 has definitely shown to Greek Cypriots that Turkey is the strongest? So many troops using the northern zone as a vast training camp leaves the impression to many Turkish Cypriots of a “foreign occupation” -an accusation repeated during the major political crisis of Summer 2000. Leftist leader Alpay Durduran told openly to a journalist: “we want to free ourselves from the people who freed us”[8]. (The Guardian, September 25, 2001).


Rauf Denktash argued that the “TRNC” constitution does not allow him to organize such referendum. But he already organized tow referenda on the status of the northern zone, and a lot could be learnt from them.

In 1975, a referendum took place on the creation of the “Turkish Federate State of Cyprus”, potential member of a Cyprus Federation in case of an agreement. Then 72% of the electorate voted and more than 99% said "yes". But in 1985, a new referendum took place to approve the constitution of the independent “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”, which means "no agreement but partition". Then only 54% of the electorate voted "yes". One can conclude that, without the settlers' vote at that time, this constitution would not be approved. One can also conclude that Turkish Cypriots have no more the power to decide for their own future. Rauf Denktash “knows better”, as Turkish Embassy, Turkish Army, Turkish settlers and some elderly Turkish Cypriots say


So one can finally conclude that Turkish Cypriots do not emigrate only for economic reasons but also for political ones. According to different sources, from 60,000 to 80,000 Turkish Cypriots have left the island since 1974.

“TRNC” administration rarely recognizes the fact. And Rauf Denktash considers the migrants as “traitors”. Why? Because he could not say that they leave because of the embargo when in the same time Turkish people emigrate to the island. There are simply no figures on Turkish Cypriot departures and Turkish arrivals.

Turkish Cypriots in Britain are living in the same boroughs of London than the Greek Cypriots. They go to the same shops and restaurants, they talk to each other. They even have two Cypriot community centres in London which are opened to all Cypriots and where Greek and Turkish Cypriots meet every day. This life is totally in contradiction with Rauf Denktash's ideology which is that Turkish Cypriots can no more live with Greek Cypriots.

The opposition to Rauf Denktash is very active in exile. They can quietly criticize his regime, meet their Greek Cypriots political friends (i.e. antinationalists) without having to ask permission. They organize many meetings between politicians and NGOs' members of both sides of the island. Organizations as the Turkish Cypriot Forum for the European Union or Cyprus Turkish Democratic Association challenge the attempt by R. Denktash's partisans to control the community in Great Britain via the Council of Turkish Cypriot Organizations which was neutral before mid-1990s. Turkish Cypriots also participate to all-Cypriot organizations in Britain as Forum for Friendship and Co-Operation between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots or Friends of Cyprus.

The lack of a real democratic debate in northern Cyprus explains mainly this activism. Turkish Cypriots run away from the future planned by R. Denktash, i.e. the annex ion by Turkey. Turkish Cypriot community, which is not monolithic as R. Denktash argues, is now divided in three main groups, following Albert Hirschman's exit/voice or loyalty paradigm. Rauf Denktash's main problem now is that around 50% of the community "exit". The "loyal" part is decreasing slowly, slowly thanks to Greek Cypriot nationalists' initiatives, as the purchase of S-300 missiles in 1997, or impunity for nationalist militiamen of the 1960s and 1970s. The "voicing" part has increased during the 1990s. Thanks to US and European support, hundreds of bicommunal meetings took place from 1989 to 1997. But R. Denktash banned all meetings in the buffer zone after EU Luxemburg Summit in December 1997. He still accepted political or trade unions' meetings until this year, although he did not permit to Turkish Cypriot trade unionists to take part in the last All-Cyprus Trade Union Forum (29 of January 2002) when, in the same time, he was negotiating with Glafcos Clerides…

Here is the main explanation of the failure of all intercommunal negotiations since 1974. Rauf Denktash has never wanted to negotiate the end of the present partition. Sometimes he was helped by his Greek Cypriot counterpart, like the late, but uncompromising, President Kyprianou[11]. But sometimes he was face to somebody really ready to compromise, like former president George Vassiliou.

United Nations, United States and European Union recognize Rauf Denktash as the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community because he is elected president of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”. A paradox: this Republic is illegal from the international Law point of view and unrecognized by the international community. But fact more important: Rauf Denktash could no longer claim that he is elected by the Turkish Cypriot community. He is elected by the electorate of the TNRC, which is quite different. So what is Mr Denktash's legitimacy? According to Max Weber's types, it is not legal. Is it traditional? Is it charismatic? For some people. But mainly it is legitimacy from outside, from Turkey in fact.

Last developments in the Turkish Cypriot community show that R. Denktash is under heavy pressure from above (the European Union and the new Turkish government) as from Turkish Cypriot people. He did not sign Annan's plan but was forced to “open the door”[12] (free movement between the two zones) on April 22, 2003. Is the endgame coming soon?

[Orphic_Hymn]

Guardian article titled "Northern Cypriots turn against Turkey" by Helena Smith

For the first time for at least 20 years the veteran Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash is losing the confidence of his own people.

They blame him for blighting their hope of re-entering world society by joining the EU alongside Greek Cypriots, who could secure membership in 2003.

Poor and cut off because nobody but Turkey recognises the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), which Mr Denktash declared unilaterally in 1983, they are angry.

"Please tell the world that the TRNC is an open prison," Ahmet Barcin, president of the zone's secondary-school teachers' union, said.

"It's one big, militarised zone and all the gates are locked. Our only key to freedom is a quick peace settlement [with the Greek south of the island], entry to the EU and reintegration with the rest of the world."

The northerners are so angry at Mr Denktash's dogged dismissal of the EU membership process, his abandonment of the UN-brokered peace talks with the Greek Cypriots, and the arrival of Turkish settlers that they are beginning to do the unthinkable: turn against their protector Turkey.

The collapse of the dependency's banking system and the devaluation of the Turkish lira have brought many to the brink of penury. As the rebellious mood grows, so do the repressive measures of a regime desperate to keep the dissent at bay.

While Greek Cypriots have been told that they can join the EU without some form of reunification being on the cards, Brussels has made it clear that its final approval will be much smoother if it is.

But as Mr Denktash, 78, holds up a political settlement Turkish Cypriots, fearing that they have no future, are trying to get out. Applications for passports, which have to come from the internationally recognised Greek-Cypriot government, rose from 448 last year to 817 in the first half of this.

The social democrat Mustapha Akinci, who was the deputy prime minister until last May, and is now the main opposition leader, said: "This is not a democracy. How can it be, when Ankara intervenes so much in the running of our affairs?

"Turkey decides everything, down to who will run the fire brigade and our national airline. The army is in control here; even our police force falls under its command."

Northern Cyprus may look less like a garrison since Turkey put its 35,000 soldiers stationed on the island in civilian clothes when they are off duty, to avoid deterring tourists. But Turkish Cypriots are well aware of the army's presence, and they are worried that settlers brought in from Anatolia will soon outnumber the locals.

A recent report by the European parliament estimated that Turkish troops and immigrants now formed the majority of the 210,000 population, compared with about 90,000 native Turkish Cypriots.

But although the settlers tend to vote for Mr Denktash, some of them, especially the young, long for EU freedoms too.

"We are Anatolian settlers," Yigitler Burcu said. "We are curious to see how others live. We are curious to see the world. Only Turkey recognises our country. In my heart, like everyone else here, I am desperate to leave."

Most of the Turkish Cypriot opposition - parties, syndicates and NGOs - has united on a common platform as the Group of 41.

Alpay Durduran, a prominent opposition figure, said: "Please tell the world that we want to free ourselves from the people who freed us.

"We grew up under British colonial rule, not under the Turks, and we have a very different sense of democracy. There is no freedom here.

"People are too scared to speak up because of intimidation. Entire families have got death threats."

Mehmet Talat, who heads the Republican party, said: "You might say that while Turkey liberated us, it has overstayed its welcome. Denktash has been in power for nearly 30 years, but he's not defending the Turkish Cypriots: he is defending Turkey's strategic interests here."

In an interview, Mr Denktash denied that there was any ill-feeling, and that there was even an indigenous Turkish Cypriot culture.

"Those who are against Turkey are wrong. There is no Cypriot culture, apart from our national custom of drinking brandy. There are Turks of Cyprus and Greeks of Cyprus, that's all," he snapped.

But last year tear gas was used in northern Nicosia to break up supporters of the Group of 41 demonstrating under the slogan "This is our country".

Not long after that the opposition newspaper Avrupa (Europe) was bombed, and there was a severe crackdown on all informal contacts with Greek Cypriots. "What's the point of such contacts?" Mr Denktash said. "I've heard the only thing people seem to do at these meetings is have sex."

This month the outgoing British high commissioner, Edward Clay, lashed out at the regime for "its crude attempt to enforce conformity and disable its critics by fair means and foul".

Particularly worrying, diplomats say, is Mr Denktash's open sponsorship of the National Patriotic Movement (UHH), created in response to the Group of 41. Its declared aim is to stamp out any criticism of Turkey by the "ungrateful traitors and spies".

Mr Denktash conceded that he had given the UHH "all [his] moral support" and rejected the suggestion that his legitimacy was being eroded by the growing opposition.

"The EU has a policy to give more importance to people who are against the establishment," he said. The international community was "working in a very intelligent way to divide our community".

"And they're doing a very good job", he added.

[Orphic_Hymn]

Some abstracts from the Le Monde Diplomatique article "Turkish Cypriots dream of Europe" By Niels Kadritzke


Mr Özgur is well placed to testify to the powerlessness of native Cypriots in the face of the new order. In 1994 he was deputy prime minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Head of the left-wing Turkish Republican Party (CTP), he joined the government to put through the opposition’s main demand: to stem the tide of immigration from Turkey. But, as he puts it, "they gave me a drum, but other people kept the sticks".



Those "other people" are the generals in Ankara. Apart from the 35,000 Turkish soldiers they have stationed in Northern Cyprus, they control the police, the militia, the secret services and strategic sites like the water purification plants. The Turkish embassy has the last word on major civilian issues.


"They’re importing a population that’s more useful and more submissive than the Turkish Cypriots," Mr Özgur continues. Mass immigration from Anatolia is a subject that really raises the hackles of the Turkish Cypriots. Alpay Durduran, leader of the opposition party, Yeni Kibris (New Cyprus), estimates that 40,000 Cypriots have emigrated since 1974, most of them to the United Kingdom. He believes 80,000 have remained in Cyprus, which means - since the 1997 census recorded a population of 160,000 - there must be equal numbers of natives and new arrivals. The fear is that, within a few years, the Turkish Cypriots will become a minority in their own country.



It is not going too far to call Northern Cyprus a Turkish protectorate. For two reasons: people feel at once protected, but also denied the freedom to make their own decisions.


"1963-1964 will not be repeated" reads a poster as you enter the Turkish part of Nicosia. It is on this trauma that Rauf Denktash has built his political career. He started the Turkish militias that fought against the Greek armed groups and then took control of the Turkish enclaves. He took advantage of the splits between Greek nationalists. As early as 1962 his aim was to "take advantage of the Greeks’ mistakes to win our freedom to the full." An advocate of separatism, he refused all cooperation with the Greek Cypriots because that might result in the "Cypriotisation of the Turks", which he saw as their "extinction".



After 1964, he had his community under his complete control, was able to block a new constitutional compromise in 1973, and in 1974 began distributing the Greek possessions conquered in the North.


.This sense of identity is the common denominator of the North’s opposition forces who accuse Mr Denktash of betraying his own ethnic community’s interests by making them secondary to Turkey’s


"Only two branches of the economy are flourishing here," Alpay Durduran complains: "the Turkish mafia’s casinos and the cheap universities that entice the offspring of rich Turks with strange English-sounding names".


But the Northern opposition’s greatest fear is that the South will join the EU on its own. Which would, they fear, provoke Turkey to annex the North - with the end of its own identity.

[Orphic_Hymn]

The illegal settlers are against concessions in Cyprus and support Denktas
Turkish Cypriot daily KIBRIS newspaper (11.03.04) reports that the illegal settlers from Turkey have announced that they are against territorial concessions in Cyprus and reiterated their support to the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktas.

In a written statement issued yesterday, the chairman of the illegal settlers association, Mr Hakan Yozcu said: "We are against giving as a concession even one span of our land, even one small stone".

[Orphic_Hymn]

Yaltsin Kiouchοuk "Denktash for me is a butcher"...


24 years after Turkey's bloody invasion of Cyprus, a former Turkish officer has talked about the horrors he saw during the invasion.

Now 60 years old, Yialtsin Kouchouk took part in the 1974 attack on Cyprus as an army lieutenant.

He recently spoke to Sophia Iordanidou in Paris, where he has lived in self- exile since 1993.

As a lieutenant in the Turkish army in 1974, Yialtsin Kouchouk took part in the second invasion of northern Cyprus launched by Ankara that year.

The left-wing intellectual and professor had previously aroused the mistrust of his superiors. Shortly before the invasion, he was removed from the Turkish pentagon, for fear that he would give military secrets to the Greeks.

In his interview with Sophia Iordanidou in Paris, where he lives in self- exile, Kouchouk describes Turkish-Cypriot leader Raouf Denktash as a murderer.

Yialtsin Kouchouk, a professor of economics and political science and author of forty books, is one of the leading lights of the Turkish left.

Though he lives in exile in Paris, thoughts of authoritarian Turkey, and what it did in Cyprus, are with him always.

As a Turkish policy planner from 1960 to 1966, Kouchouk has known key Turkish politicians well: Bulent Ecevit, today the nation's vice president; and Denis Baykal and Hikmet Cetin, both former foreign ministers. He also appears to have been well acquainted with Turkish-Cypriot leader Raouf Denktash.

As a lieutenant in the army in 1974, Kouchouk was sent to take part in the invasion of Cyprus, he would be left with painful memories of barbarism and atrocity.

Sofia Iordanidou "Did you see any killings?

Yialtsin Kouchouk "I saw a wealthy village home.... I was a Turkish".

Kioutsouk was asked if he saw any mass graves, as another former Turkish soldier reported he'd seen in Cyprus.

Y.K. "I know massive death. I don't know about massive graves....I don't know how many".

Kouchouk also recalls how the bodies of dead Greek-Cypriot civilians were left to lie in the afternoon sun - testimony to the horror of the invasion and its aftermath.

During his 1974 stay in Cyprus, Yialtsin Kouchouk met Raouf Denktash, who to this day runs Turkish- occupied northern Cyprus.

When Sophia Iordanidou asked him for his opinion of Denktash, his response was unequivocal.

Y.K. "Denktash for me is a butcher".

Kouchouk says he made a point of expressing his abhorrence of Denktash to the Turks, but the occupation authorities had no time for his opinions. Ankara had a different agenda.

Y.K. "As long as RD stays there there couldn't be any solution to the Cyprus problem. They told me they will change Denktash, but they kept him, because he is leader of the old exploitation, the gangs, the killers. I tell this in Turkey... not good for Turks, for Greek people there.

He's a fascist".

Denktash is a murderous underworld figure, a gang leader, says Kouchouk, and the generals in Turkey know it.

During his tour of duty in Cyprus, Kouchouk says many Turkish officers complained to him about Denktash, saying he was no good for Turkey.

The commander of the invasion forces became enraged with Denktash, Kouchouk claims, when one Greek-Cypriot church was pillaged six times.

Iordanidou asked Kouchouk about an issue gnawing at the hearts of many Greek-Cypriots who were related to or knew one of 1690 people missing since the 1974 invasion.

S.I. "Turkish papers back then wrote that there were a lot of soldiers transferred to Adana prisons... hear of that?"

Y.K. "I heard about this. I'm not sure they transferred them. But this is not the way the Turkish soldier does his mission. This is my impression. If they are died, they died in a week or 10 days or in the war. I don't think anybody should be alive after that...it's not possible. On the other hand, we are leftists, we know our prisons. They have shot away".

Asked if he has any message of encouragement to those awaiting the return of their loved ones, Kouchouk said,

Y.K. "What message except deep sorry. In Turkey people killed because leftist...think they will come one day, I'm deeply sorry".

During the invasion, many Greek-Cypriots were robbed of their personal belongings. According to Kouchouk, 1974 was a grotesque orgy during which some Turks enriched themselves.

Y.K. "In Turkey in 1974, many believed some people got rich off Cyprus. All my friends, relatives, wives thought I was a fool. I was the only one who came back as he went there".

For women, invasion brought the nightmare of rape. 650 Greek-Cypriots had abortions in the nine months following the war. Kouchouk says it doesn't surprise him. He even suspects that many Turkish-Cypriot had abortions after being raped by Turkish troops too.

[Orphic_Hymn]

Echoes from the Dead Zone: Across the Cyprus Divide By Yiannis Papadakis p.196- 197





BETRAYAL

'My father was a farmer. We were doing OK until 1963 when the killings broke out. I was only a boy then, feeling so afraid the Rums would kill us. The Green Line was drawn, the land was divided and my father's land, our fields, had become "the other side".' Jemal's eyes dampened as he spoke of how his father was killed. Jemal was in his late thirties, and he invited me to his house to talk and to meet his children:
My father was a stubborn man. 'So what, I have been going there all my life, who will stop me now? Anyway, all the Rums around are my friends,' So he kept on going there. The TMT came to our house and told us that he should stop. The new 'law' was no working on the other side- no relations, no trade, no nothing with the Rums. And, of course, no speaking Greek among ourselves. But my father was stubborn like a donkey. He kept on going. One day a Rum friend of my father took him aside and cautioned him. 'Don't come here any more. It's too dangerous. I don't know if I can help you if anything goes wrong.' He said that his own son had taken arms and joined the groups fighting against us. My father would not listen. 'I only fear God, nothing else,' he said and kept on going.

One day the TMT came to our house again. 'Hey Mustafa, come with us. we just want to talk,' they called and he went. Late in the night I heard my mother's screams, like a dog was being slaughtered. My father came back with his face alt broken and bloody. 'It's nothing,' he said, 'I fell on a doorstep.' But later he told Ihe family what had happened. I only found out after many years that they had beaten him with his head covered. One day five months later, my father did not come back from the fields. We started searching. First his dog was found, the one he used to take with him out in the fields. Then his body. The TMT came at once. 'You see, we told him not to go there.' They even told us the name of the killer. He was a Rum who drove a lorry. Bui later, when I was around sixteen perhaps, I began to hear things. That he was not killed by the Rums. That TMT killed him. But I refused to believe them. It was impossible to believe them.


I joined the TMT as soon as I was allowed to carry a gun because I hated Rums so much. I don't know what made me change later. I think it was two things, the university and the war in 1974.

He went on:
In 1974 i understood what TMT really meant. When the Rums attacked us and my friend right next to me was injured, none of those brave TMT guys came to help. It was confusion in the war, the Rums were attacking us in the village and we had explosives stored all around us. I kept calling for help to carry them away, otherwise we would all get blown up, but they just sat there talking or giving orders. They were so scared they were going crazy, saying all kinds of things that just came into their heads. Like one said: 'Let us dig a big hole underground and hide the women and children there.' You know Yianni, it's not impossible that some of the mass graves of Turkish Cypriots from 1974 were created like that, by a lunacy that someone like him came up with.

After the war I went to university. In Turkey I started to see things differently and hear other things from Turkish Cypriot students around me. And then one day I went back to our house. Now I had to know. 'Why didn't you tell me that my father was killed by the TMT? That so and so killed him?' It was like a bomb fell in the house. Everybody froze. 'For us the issue is closed,' my uncle said. 'It's not good to talk about these things, it's not safe,' my mother said. In the beginning they didn't want to talk about it, but when they realized that I knew everything they told me what happened.

How a TMT man killed my father under orders, how other Turkish Cypriots were killed by TMT and were later declared 'martyrs', as if they had been killed by Rums. And how the TMT even came to tell us the name of the killer, who was not the real killer.

That way they could kill two birds with one stone. Say that my father was killed by a Rum and make us take revenge and create more animosity. From then on I couldn't stand the TMT. I felt ashamed for having been one of them, and for being so nationalist in the past. Many people were killed by TMT but people still pretend that they don't know, even though everyone does. The worst thing was to grow up thinking that your father was killed by the Rums and then find out.

Can you understand how I felt, Yianni?

[Lakonian]

My mate has this realy awful DVd called Faces of Death, i didnt sleep for 2 days. Anyways, its liek a doco on real life gruesome deaths, and it had a piece on teh 1974 invasion. British troops filiming the deceased in there boats while they were having lunch brains matter all over the table, boats with holes sparyed across them shwoing no remorse or mercy of children that were about.A woman with her breast showing and her throat slit open.

A feeling from nausea of the site to anger broke in me,and then sadness, how could they have done such a thing re pethia, and we still hold our tounges.

Krimas, megalo krimas

[Orphic_Hymn]

Cyprus Weekly
"Brave words by Sener Levent

It is worth noting that Talat's claim that it is the Turkish Cypriot themselves who administer the northern part of Cyprus is rejected by Sener Levent, the outspoken editor of the Turkish Cypriot daily newspaper Arfrika who is being persecuted and jailed for insisting that it is not the Turkish Cypriots who rule the north, but Turkey.

Levent repeated this charge this week in his daily column in the Greek Cypriot daily Politis dealing with the illegal sale of Greek Cypriot property in the north.

Levent argued that "basically we (the Turkish Cypriots) should have passed the law adopted by the Greek Cypriots in the south. Instead, we loot the territory we occupy in the north since 1974. We brought over from Turkey more population (settlers) more numerous than our own population. First we loanded them Greek Cypriot properties and later we gave them title deeds, as if then property was their's. The one who have the most title deeds and collected the most applause was the party of Talat.

Does this people (the Turkish Cypriots) like the sale off of its motherland. Instead of demanding an explanation from those who gave away as a gift this land to the people they brought from abroad, they rewarded those who did this by making them their rulers.

"Our brothers from Turkey, that even the most progressive of our political parties refer to as "New Cypriots,'' began to sell off and to get rid of whatever they possessed for hundreds of thousands and millions of pounds sterling. And, what is more, by using property titles that the International Court brands as false while we remain spectators to this looting.''

Referring to the new law approved by the Cyprus parliament to limit the property sale off, Levent said "The Greek Cypriot side is doing what we the Turkish Cypriots should have done a long time ago. They approve the laws that we should have passed.''"

[Orphic_Hymn]

Turkey is responsible for everything in Cyprus Sener Levent writing
in AVRUPA (12.5.01) in his column ``Angle'' says:


Turkey is responsible for all the events that happened in north Cyprus since
1974. That is those who rule Turkey. All the world accepts this.

That is everybody except us. On top of these is one of the most respectful
institutions of the World, the European Court of Human Rights.

In this Court Turkey defends herself in a strange manner by claiming that
``I am not responsible for events happening outside my territory/.

But, she is unable to convince anybody.

She will not convince anybody. Whom can she convince since she cannot even
convince me here as a Turkish Cypriot?

Everybody knows that Turkey has settled here with her 40 thousand troops,
not only in the property whose title deeds belong to the Greek Cypriots
but in the property belonging to the Turkish Cypriots.

The Turkish ambassador is not an ordinary ambassador here. A lot of people
knock the door of the Turkish Ambassador to settle their loan/credit
issues.

The entry and exit from our country is directed with the Ambassador/s
orders.

Our government or our parliament cannot say anything against the
Ambassador/s orders.

If we ask the ordinary people in the street: Whose words have weight in
this country, ``the Turkish Embassy/s or the Assembly/s''?

The answer is obvious.

Who is the commander of the Security Forces here?

General from Turkey.

Who is the head of the Civil Defence?

Colonel from Turkey.

Who is the governor of the Central Bank?

A bureaucrat from Turkey.

Under whose jurisdiction are police and the fire fighters?

Turkish General.

After all these who will believe that you (Turkey) are not ruling here?
Who interrogated me at the police? In the presence of two Turkish
Cypriots? The Turkish officer.

Who is the person who openly cursed the prime minister of this country in
these interrogation rooms?

Turkish officer.

After all this you will go to the ECHR and you will say that `I am not
responsible for the events that happen outside of my territory/ Don/t you
think that people make fun of it?

What did journalist-writer Guneri Givaoglu say last night on the TV
screen?

Turkey will either accept that she had occupied north Cyprus and will
decide to annex this land and forget the EU or she will pay billions of
dollars to the Greek Cypriots such as Loizidou.

There is no other way out! If there is, let us say it.

We have come to the end of the road The curtain will fall.

`The Naked King/ play will come to an end.

Gengiz Candar, Hadi Uluengin, Ahmet Altan, Erdal Guven, Guneri Civaolgu
etc are not alone.

Soon the whole of Turkey will revolt against this illogical Cyprus policy.
The ones who are walking on this road are aware that they have reached the
end.

They are on the verge of losing their unfair benefits.

For this reason this is the most dangerous part of the play.

Ahmet Altan has said:

Pay attention to protect your life during this period. Because the last
action that a thief, who realizes that he will be caught will resort to is
reach his weapon.

For this reason, those who look for attacking us, do so because they
realized that they have reached the end of the road.

Like the retreating armies that burn and loot the cities that they
withdraw from, they too are getting ready to fire their last bullets''.

Sthnidia dieu8unsh kai sto prwto ar8ro pou exei, mporeite na diabasete to
ekshs:

The Greek Cypriot side is a gradually flourishing sector of the island.
Unfortunately, while it moves to integrate with the EU, the ``TRNC''
struggles to solve its economic problems. Meanwhile, what has been feared
has actually taking place. Many Turkish Cypriots have either moved or are
preparing to move to other countries. Many thousands of them have applied
to the Greek Cypriot officials to acquire the "Republic's" passports

[Ehetlaios]

My mate has this realy awful DVd called Faces of Death, i didnt sleep for 2 days. Anyways, its liek a doco on real life gruesome deaths, and it had a piece on teh 1974 invasion. British troops filiming the deceased in there boats while they were having lunch brains matter all over the table, boats with holes sparyed across them shwoing no remorse or mercy of children that were about.A woman with her breast showing and her throat slit open.

A feeling from nausea of the site to anger broke in me,and then sadness, how could they have done such a thing re pethia, and we still hold our tounges.

Krimas, megalo krimas


Lakonian, this dvd will be a great response to the Turks who claim that they did nothing wrong in Cyprus but protect their own people.

Is it online anywhere?

[Euklid]

Faces of Death Torrent (http://torrentspy.com/torrent/931377/Faces_of_Death)

[Ehetlaios]

Faces of Death Torrent (http://torrentspy.com/torrent/931377/Faces_of_Death)

XAIPE Eyklidi megiste! ;)