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| Upper Macedonia, Eordaia General Information: Thucydides passage (II, 100) referring to the expulsion of the Eordaioi from Eordaia constitutes one of the earlier mentions of the name of this region. Unfortunately, the mythological evidence for this district remains almost non-existent. As regards its name, the only safe suggestion is that it was named after the local tribe of Eordaioi. In Strabo's description (VII, 323) of the route (from west to the east) of the Via Egnatia, Eordaia appeared before Edessa, therefore, it is assumed that Eordaia lay to the west of Emathia Mountain Bermion formed the eastern boundary as far as the plateau of Edessa that served as the northeastern border. A branch of Bermion was also the southern frontier. Finally, Mts. Vitsi and Boras designated the western and northern boundaries respectively. As regards the pre-Macedonian ethnography of this area, Professors Maria Girtsi and Nicholas Hammond suggested that in the pre Macedonian period Pelasgoi, Paiones (a theory that coincides with Pliny's mention (IV, 10) that some Paiones lived once in Eordaia), Phryges (a theory that was combined with Herodotus'testimony (VIII, 138) that Midas' kingdom stretched around the foothills of Bermion), Illyrians etc. occupied for sometime some parts of Eordaia. However, among those tribes -that constituted in several periods minorities- there was a dominant local tribe, the Eordaioi (Thucydides II, 99). Unfortunately, as regards their origin, there is no secure evidence, apart from some unreliable suggestions (e.g. Pelasgian or Paionian or Illyrian descent), that were not based on conclusive information. Nevertheless, Macedonians according to Thucydides (II, 99) killed the majority of Eordaioi and forced the others to migrate to Physka. Those violent acts of the Macedones were justifiable by the fact that Eordaia was about to constitute the western frontier with the other U.M. districts and Illyria, and thus any danger of internal revolt (by the locals) had to be avoided. As regards the date of the annexation of Eordaia, that served as the starting point in the Macedonian history of this district, although there is no exact evidence, Alexander's I reign served as a terminus ante quem (Thucydides II, 99). Moreover, Eordaia was affected (either as a separate area, or as an already incorporated part of Macedonia) by the Persian presence, since Eordaioi were included in Xerxes' army troops (Herodotus VII, 185). Sites : In Eordaia belonged at least the below mentioned sites: Arnissa, Kellai, Bokeria, Galadrai, Kranna, and Greia . Moreover, a list of unidentified archeological sites. ARNISSA Thucydides (IV, 128) testified that Arnissa was the first site (to the west) of the Macedonian Kingdom -in the time of Perdikkas II. Therefore, according to our knowledge that the western district at this era was Eordaia, Arnissa should belong to it. Consequently, Ptolemy's (III, 13.20) mention of an Arnissa as a site of Taulantioi either concerned another homonymous site or constituted an error. Moreover, Leake placed it in the vale of Ostrovo, while Samsares located it near modern Arnissa (ex. Ostrovo) where some ancient remains have been come to light. Hammond on the other hand, relying on Thucydides' passage, placed it in modern Petres, which seems more plausible as the site of Kellai (as will be evident below). Evidently, there is still a lot more to be done, so as to secure the location and define the status of the site. KELLAI Hierocles (Synecdeme, 638.11) included in his account of the stations of the Via Egnatia, a site called Kellai, the additional information by the Antonine itinerary, (319-320 and 330.3-7 ) Itinerary Burdigalense (605-606) that Kellai lay between Herakleia and Edessa, at a distance of 40metres and 30metres respectively, led to its location in the district of Eordaia. There are several suggestions like Demetsas as regards its exact location (e.g. modern Arnissa, modern Amyndaion etc.), however the most plausible one is that it was situated on modern Petres, a site that coincides with the distances given by the Itineraries. Moreover, at mound Gradista (500m northwest of Petres) has been discovered an ancient site, organised in terraces. BOKERIA A milestone of a 4th-3rd century BC road, mentioning from Bokeria 100 stadia, found recently in modern Kirli Derven, led to the assumption that a site called Bokeria could belong to Eordaia. Desdevises-du-Dezert Demetsas on the other hand, had earlier claimed that a site called Begora -being named after the lake Begoritis or vice versa- should have existed, although it was not mentioned by any ancient writer. GALADRAI Lycophron (1342, 1444 ) mentioned that a Galadrai belonged to Eordaia, while Stephanos Byzantius identified it as a Pierian site. The lexicographer placed it at the south extremity of Eordaia; however, the controversy of the ancient sources, along with the lack of any other evidence, prevents any further discussion. KRANNA Professor Maria Girtsi state in his book that a Roman inscription (SEG 1, p.65.no.292) mentioning a man from Kranna of Eordaia, implied the existence of such a site, at least in the Roman era. The lack of any other evidence prevents any suggestion for its location or any further assumption. GREIA Professor Maria Girtsi state in his book that a Hellenistic inscription found in the vicinity of Eordaia,(kanatsoulis p.2] )and referring to the site of Greia, attested the existence of such a site, at least in the late Hellenistic era. However, the lack of any supportive information does not allow the secure identification of its location or any further comment. UNIDENTIFIED SITES In Florina, Agios Panteleimon, Amyntaio, Kastro, Ammochorion, Beuve, Ano Kleinai, Palaistra and Kato Kleinai have find traces of late Classical-Hellenistic habitation architectural remains, houses, roads, pottery sherds, figurines and coins . Sources
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Amyndaion could that be the Paionian Amyndon Homerus mentions in the Illiad? Could any territory of ancient Eordaia lie in Fyrom? The texts mention it on the northeastern border with Illyria, now could that area be situated south-southeast of Prespa lake area, in the wider region of Florina district. |
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| AIGEAI (Vergina) Aigeai was the first traditional capital of the Macedonian Kingdom. There were several versions for the etymology of its name, such as that it derived from:
Ptolemy [Sa.ll] recorded Aigeai as a place of Emathia, while Diodorus [Sa.4] considered it as a Bottiaian site. Moreover, as regards its exact location , from the previous century until 1976, there was a great misconception (mentioned in the account of Edessa below), that ancient Edessa was identical with ancient Aigeai, and thus the latter was situated in modern Edessa. However, this theory was refuted, as soon as it became clear that in literary evidence (e.g. Ptolemy [Sa.ll]) or inscriptions [Sb.3] both Aigeai and Edessa appeared at the same time. Furthermore, some of the results of the excavations of the last decades, especially the discovery of the royal tombs which, according to Diodorus [Sa.7] and Pliny, [Sa.8] lay at Aigeai, in combination with the existence of a well built palace -essentially related to the function of a capital- and the presence of many broken grave stelai at the Great Tumulus, explained as the result of the rapacity of the Gauls (Diodorus [Sa.7]), led to the undeniable identification of modern Vergina (in the southwestern edges of the plain of Thessalonike, to the southeast of Haliakmon) as the ancient Aigeai, and that it evidently lay in ancient Emathia. Diodorus was referring probably to a broader meaning of Bottiaia in his era, or he was trying to imply that Bottiaia should have accommodated both successive Macedonian capitals, i.e. Aigeai and Pella. The excavations in this site, started by Heuzey a French archaeologist who visited Macedonia in the mid-19th century and continued throughout the 20th century, have produced a great range of archaeological finds, thus allowing the reconstruction of the architectural development (fig. 1), and hence the political and social status of the site to a great extent. Also, north of the ancient city, parts of the prehistoric Cemetery of the Tumuli have been excavated, as well as burial sites dating up to the early Classical period. Leon Heuzey writes: "It is indeed a wonderful place, this lesser-known side of the Pieria mountains, sloping to the open spaces of Imathia. Here, the vegetation of the nearly northern face of Olympus descends to the banks of the Aliakmon. Tall trees, mostly majestic elms, cluster in dense forests, often interspersed with fields of corn and sesame. From league to league a village with red roofs is encountered, or some farm well-stocked with cattle, which resounds to the clamour of large flocks of geese. Then you lose yourself again in the depths of the forest, along shady paths churned every day by the hooves of buffalo and the wheels of carts. The three villages of Koutles, Barbes and Palatitsia constitute the most remote group of the region. Between two ravines a peak rises, dividing the mountain into two parts and descending sheerly. Where the ravine broadens, the ancient inhabitants had built the citadel of a city, whose walls end at a gentler slope following the encir-cling bed of the torrents." The French archaeologist continues: "Midway down the slope there projects a level space, the most prominent spot of the entire city, and best suited for the erection of some large edific-e. There, the fine archaeological remains, which had already attracted my notice in the year 1855, are piled in heaps. Magnificent elms crown this plateau, which the local people revere as an ancient grove, and which indicate to all from afar that this is a site hallowed by immemorial traditions of worship". In first place, parts of the fortifications -being made of local stones and mudbrick, and reinforced with rectangular and semi-circular towers-were discovered along with the acropolis (to the south of the site), whose walls enclosed the palace as well. The acropolis, accommodated some private houses and workshops along with its own aqueduct, and communicated with the site through a gate at the north side of its peribolos. The earlier phases of the fortifications dated to the end of the 4th century BC or the early 3rd century BC (coinciding with Kassander's innovations), while a phase of repair in the time of Philip V and a destruction in the 2nd century BC (because of the Roman invasion after the defeat at Pydna) were also identified; the acropolis buildings dated from the late 4th century BC till the 1st century AD. However, the literary evidence for its history is, compared to the archaeological, less and rather scanty. In first place, Justin [Sa.12] and Euphorion [Sa.3] implied a mythological foundation by Karanos, while Herodotus [Sa.l] implied indirectly that Perdikkas was its mythical founder. Thucydides' [Sa.2] account of the Athenian actions (negotiations with Perdikkas II in their way from Pydna to Beroia) confirmed indirectly that Aigeai (being the only important site between Pydna and Beroia, where the negotiations could have taken place) was the place of royal residence in this era. However, the first direct historical evidence referred to the marriage of Philip's daughter and his subsequent assassination in the theatre of Aigeai (Diodorus [Sa.5]). Later, Kassander buried there Philip Arrhidaios and his wife Eurydice (Diodorus [Sa.6]), emphasising thus the fact that Aigeai was the royal cemetery. However, Pyrrhos disregarded the holiness of the site and when he occupied it in 274 BC, he left a garrison of Gauls and moreover, he did not stop them from ravaging the area of the royal cemetery (Diodorus [Sa.7] and Plutarch [Sa.9]), raising thus a public clamour. Finally, after the defeat of Perseus at Pydna, Aigeai was sacked by the Romans. Evidently, Aigeai constituted a unique site, serving as the capital of the Macedonian Kingdom (till the movement of the capital to Pella, as will be apparent in the relevant reference) and simultaneously as the traditional royal cemetery. MODERN SOURCES FOR FURTHER READING
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Macedon-Makedona Orestia (most of the Kastoria Prefecture and part of Korce-Southern Albania) Eordea (Kozani-Ptolemas) Almopia (Aridaa-Pella) Mygdonia (Gevgelia,Dojran(FYROM);Idomene-Kilkis) Imathia (Naousa-Berroea) Pieria (Olympus-Katerini) Elymioti (Pindus-Grevena) Upper Macedonia Lynkestia (Around Ohrid, Prespa, Resen, Pelister, Bitola-Heraklea, today mostly in FYROM) Deuriopus (Krusevo, Makedonski Brod, Jakupica - FYROM) Paeonia ( Upper Vardar Valley, near Skopje, Veles, Stip, Stobi and Bylazora today in FYROM) Agriania (Kochani-Osogovo region - FYROM) Pelagonia (Prilep(FYROM) - Flrina to the south) The inhabitants and rulers of Upper Macedonia appeared to have been of non-Greek origin. Most likely these autonomous Kingdoms were of Thracian and or Illyrian stock. They eventually became incorporated into the Kingdom of Makedon. Some of these tribes had a close relationship with Alexander the Great's Army, forming many of his elite units. Much of Upper Macedonia later became the Roman Province of Macedonia Salutaris. Most of what was considered Upper Macedonia is in todays Republic of Macedonia(FYROM) Last edited by Cabalero; 02-03-2008 at 05:35 PM. Reason: edit |
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This town Brygias was the capitol of the Bryghes? please mention the town's role and importance in the pre roman period, as it is my main point of interest.. Who were the original inhabitants, what tribe? possibly kingdom, and what was it role in the wider political and regional history?.. I hope you can answer some of mine questions |
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Brygias (also Brygion), on the other hand, appears to have been a town of the Bryges. That is to say, of one particular remnant (there were a number) of the once powerful Bryges(Brygians) who were in the classical period to be found inhabiting the district situated at the headwaters of the Erigon (the modern Crna river) although there is an alternative source placing them closer to Brucida. As such, Brygias, would have been somewhere in Brygian territory in the valley that lies between the Babuna and Busheva ranges northwest of Prilep. (Hammond seems to have inadvertently referred to the Golesnitsa range which is much too far north, despite the rest of his text and the relevant map indicating the area I have just described). Cheers |
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Hi BBB! This is from the Bordeaux Pilgrim text 9 City of Heraclea (Heraclea Lyncestis, Toli Monastir) - miles xiii. [607] Change at Parambole (Caste, Nicia) - miles xii. Change at Brucida (Brucias, Brygias) - miles xix. Frontier of Macedonia and Epirus. City of Cledo (Lychnidus, Ochrida) - miles xiii. Change at Patrae - miles xii. Many texts refer to Brucida and Brygias as being the same town located on the via egnatia, from Heraklea to Lychnidus you first passed thru Parembole next there was the station Brucida/Brygias..distance of 13 miles from Parembole. Fyromian research pointed out to the fact that the area around todays Ohrid/Lychnidus was inhabited by the Bryges..the small village of Leskoec just north of Ohrid contains several tombs originating from the Bryges, just recently found! My main idea about the direction of the via egnatia passing thru in that particulair part of Fyrom, is that it enters the point on the Candavian mountains from Illyria, then touching Poins Servilli in todays Struga where there still is a bridge over the Crni Drim river as mentioned in the ancient texts, then it reaches Lychnidus, after Lychnidus you had a checkoint named Pylon which seemed to mark the boundery of the 2 regions, after that Brucida was the next point on the via egnatia.(I would assume that the via egnatia followed lake Lychnitis in a curve moving from the west to a south-eastern direction following the eastern shore line to the south of the lake, where some authors place the actual location of Lychnidus in the vicinity of the St.Naum monestary..(since it does agrees with the actual milages given in the itenaries)then passing thru a mountain pass that should cross the Galicica mountain range reaching lake Prespa from the direction of the St.Naum monestary..also Strabo mentions the 2 lakes as located on the via egnatia..) So presumably the whole region what was later called Dessaretia was once actually a region of the Bryges, so Brucida deriving from Brygias carrying the name of the former great town of the Bryges seems to be a justifiable assumption. Quote:
Now actually the region of the Lychnidus area seems to be inhabited by several different groupes besides the Bryges such as Encheleans(enchelli) around Radoliste on the north western shore of the lake(and who seemed to be the mythical founders of lychnidus/or one great city on the shores of lake Lychnitis a possible candidate could also be the town of Enchelarix/Encheleana or something .. and the mystical Peresadyes or Peresadii who are believed to be the dynasty from Trebeniste, which there is not much proof of as of yet! As you see i am investigating and studying the whole area around lake Lychnitis and it's a hard one..lots of diffrent theories from writers and a lot of misassumptions! at least we could be certain that only Lychnidus and Pons Servilli are exactly located being in Ohrid and th elatter in Struga the rest is uncertain as till now! Last edited by Cadmus; 02-06-2008 at 08:22 AM. |
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Hi Cadmus, Apologies for my lengthy delay in responding to your last post unfortunately the dictates of family life mean I can participate only very infrequently Via Egnatia Quote:
Please do not take any of my observations as negative criticism I do not profess to have any expertise in this sort of thing. You must also forgive me as I base the bulk of my deductions and thinking on the work of Hammond as I do not possess current and on the ground information as you may do. I am thus forced to treat Hammond almost as a primary source! Your views on the route of the Via Egnatia seem a little unorthodox particularly your conviction that the road touched both lakes. I believe the accepted view is that while the Via Egnatia followed the northern shore of Lake Ohrid (joining Struga and Ohrid; that is, the ancient Cerax and Lychnidus according to Hammond), it then headed up through the village of Leskoec (that you mention) and over the Galicica (the mountains are not as high here as they are further south) through the Bukovo pass (close to where Hammond places Brucida) descending from there into the northern plain of Resen and reaching Resen itself. However, it then exits this small plain via the Diavat pass (Gavato) towards Heraclea Lynkestis and does not touch Lake Prespa at all. Thus, in this area, the Via Egnatia pretty much followed the present route of the major road linking Struga with Bitola/Monastir. Hammond places Pylon at a point north of the village of Izbishta at a remarkable flat-bottomed grassy coombe with steep sides. That this coombe may well be described as a long gateway fits with the name Pylon which means gateway and agrees with the distances in the itineraries. Your suggestion that the Via Egnatia follows Lake Lychnitis along its eastern shore all the way to where the monastery of Sveti Naum is located and from there crosses the Galacica range seems a little unlikely. The route over the Galacica here seems rather too tortuous and unnecessary in view of the easier route further north. Additionally a further 18km (11miles) are being added to the overall distance between Lychnidus and Heraclea. However, while I am not persuaded by it, I do acknowledge your argument that Lychnidus itself might more accurately be placed near the Sveti Naum monastery which would take care of the distance issue. Hammond states (p. 41; Macedonia Vol. I) that the route from Lychnidus to Heraclea is not in doubt; for the passes are clearly defined and I find little reason to doubt an authority of great standing such as him. Brygias and Bryges (Brygi/Brygians) Quote:
Hammond considered the relatively rough region of Demir Hisar, which also contained headwaters of the Erigon river, as belonging to the (Illyrian) Penestae who thus overlooked the Derriopes situated below on the plain along the Erigon itself (incidently Styberra and Alkomenai belonged specifically to the Derriopes). This arrangement allows for Strabos observation that the Erigon drew its waters also from the Illyrian mountains. What struck me in reading Hammonds discussion was his remarkably brief reference, almost as an after-thought, to Ps.-Skymnus who places the Brygi above the Enchelei and Lake Lychnitis. Hammond does not even discuss this apparent inconsistency leaving it completely unexplored. It seems to me quite possible then that the Brygi could in fact have actually lived in the Demir Hisar region. This area would meet all relevant criteria provided by the clues in our sources. It was land generating headwaters feeding into the Erigon; it was next to the Illyrian Penestae, who lived in the neighbouring valley of the Treska/Velcka/ Golema Reka, and additionally it could more readily be said to be above the Enchelei and Lake Lychnitis. The need to have Illyrians also inhabiting an area from which flowed streams feeding into the Erigon could then be addressed by supposing an Illyrian overflow into the general Pelagonian area in the region of the Blato river where Hammond has the Brygi in other words a complete swap between the Penestae and Brygi regions envisaged by Hammond. On page 44-45 (Vol. 1) Hammond describes the territory of the Penestae along the Treska/Velcka/ Golema Reka valley, as being bordered on its eastern and southern areas by very steep and densely forested mountains. He states that the main southern outlet from this area was down the Blato river valley heading towards Prilep in Pelagonia which makes that area a more logical zone for an Illyrian overflow into a Pelagonian land generating headwaters for the Erigon - although admittedly, perhaps it does not have as good a claim to being the Illyrian mountains. The Demir Hisar area seems comparatively less accessible land and would appear more appropriate for the survival there of remnants of the once powerful Bryges. At any rate, I dont mean to be presumptuous but I think my reasoning above is a possibility. One concern I have with your placing of the Brygians is an apparent lack of territorial depth in that area the lake area). That is, this region hosted a number of other groups besides the Brygi and the Brygi seem to be largely, and unexplainably, invisible here in the sources. Also the lake side of the region you propose (ie by the lakes) cannot possibly generate streams that would flow into the Erigon/Crna. Quote:
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The region of Resen and Lake Prespa was likely to have been Epirote belonging to Dassaretis (the Dexaroi being a constituent tribe of the Epirote Chaones); there is some evidence of an Epirote dialect in certain toponymy in the region (p.47). However, political ownership of the general lakes region was regularly shifting. As Hammond puts it, the extent of Dassaretis eastwards and northwards varied with political conditions. When the Encheleae were strong and bordered on the Dexari, the former are likely to have held the strategic corridor of the lakes. In the latter part of the fifth century, when Bacchiad kings of the Lynkestae were powerful and developed a force of hoplites they are likely to have expanded westwards and may have controlled the area around Lychnidus. In the fourth century Bardylis, king of the Dardanians in all probability, used this corridor repeatedly to invade Epirus and Macedonia, and the first action of Philip II after defeating Bardylis was to take from him the area around Lake Lychnitis. In the conflicts which followed between his successors, the Molossian kings and the Illyrian dynasts it is unlikely that the peoples of the corridor were independent for long, and it was only with the intervention of the Romans that the possibility of the Dassaretii acquiring the area round Lychnidus became feasible' (pp. 95-6, Vol. 1) The Struga plain seems to have been largely inhabited, in the classical period, by the Antani, a constituent tribe of the Illyrian Atintani the bulk of which people appear to have lived further east on either side of the Jablanica range. Previously this area, and the general catchment of Lake Ochrid/Lychnitis, was probably dominated by the Enchelei. Later, in the classical period, the Enchelei (also Enchellanes) were apparently consigned to a minor role becoming only one of several other small tribes situated in the vicinity of the lakes (such as the Boei and Caloecini). In his Epirus, Hammond discusses his view concerning the infiltration in the distant past of the Illyrian (or Thracian) Peresadyes into what was likely to have initially been a Greek-speaking Epirote tribe. Cadmus, I have followed your adventures over the net (these forums; AE) and I am impressed with your passion, your enthusiasm, your need for detail and your apparent lack of any nationalistic agenda. Tell me, how did your interest in such a specific area come about? BTW, do you possess any of Hammonds (very indispensable) works on Macedonia and Epirus? If not let me know and I can copy some relevant information from it when I get the chance. This includes information about the Bryges which you sought in another of your posts in which you suggest the Bryges were evicted from the region by the Makedones. In fact they had left the area for Anatolia almost two centuries before the Makedones expanded into the plain-land north of their home in the foothills of Olympus. The Makedones did not actually come into conflict with the Bryges at all. Cheers |
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